Grattan on Friday: Oil prices could be where the Middle East crisis collides with Australia’s cost-of-living crisis

Angry, accusatory partisan exchanges over the Middle East war have dominated federal politics this week. But for most ordinary voters the issue remains “over there”.

Apart from the minorities for whom it has an immediate impact – Jewish people frightened by antisemitism, the Muslim community, those with families in Lebanon and elsewhere – it’s a tragedy without tangible relevance to their day-to-day lives.

On Thursday however, Treasurer Jim Chalmers warned the foreign crisis could feed directly into the domestic cost-of-living crisis, via the price of oil.

Midway through this week, oil was trading 11% lower than it was a year ago, but 7% higher than a week-and-a-half ago, Chalmers told a news conference.

Treasury estimates that if prices were 10% higher for an entire year, this would reduce Australia’s GDP by 0.1% and increase the consumer price index by 0.4 percentage points.

Nothing is certain about the coming months but the potential implications are obvious. Consumers would feel the effects at the petrol pump of the higher oil prices.

ACCC Chair Gina Cass-Gottlieb and Treasurer Jim Chalmers at a press conference on Thursday.
Mick Tsikas/AAP

The Reserve Bank will also be watching the possible trajectory of oil prices, together with all the other indicators relevant to its decisions on interest rates. This is against the background of the government’s desperation for a rate cut (or two) before the election.

Although an increase in fuel prices (hitting businesses as well as families) would not be the government’s fault, it would be blamed.

According to Labor, at present there’s a disconnect between, on the one hand, the partisan political heat the Middle East war is generating and, on the other, the public’s lack of engagement with the issue.

Voters not concentraing on the Middle East

Labor sources say focus group research this week, done with swinging voters, found most people aren’t closely following Middle East events.

Beyond that, they are generally satisfied with the government’s stand and don’t think the crisis is distracting it from the cost of living (which is separate from how they think the government is handling the cost of living).

This accords with this week’s Essential poll, in which 56% said they were satisfied with the government’s response on the Israel-Gaza war. Another 30% thought the government had been too supportive of Israel; 14% thought it had been too harsh on Israel.

Except among some of those directly invested, the Middle East crisis is not likely to be a vote changer.

In the domestic political battle, Dutton is trying to use the conflict to paint Albanese as weak. That’s a long bow on the issue itself, although more generally the prime minister and his government have come to be seen as having lost their way.

While Dutton is trying to define Albanese negatively, Albanese is attempting to make Dutton a bigger target.

NBN sale a distraction

Thus on Wednesday the prime minister, shortly before he jumped on his plane to attend the ASEAN-Australia summit in Laos, personally introduced legislation that would ensure the NBN remained in public hands.

If the Coalition didn’t vote for the bill, that would show it would sell the NBN, Labor claimed. It was a crude attempt at scare politics, easily seen through. The Coalition is not suggesting it would sell the NBN and if it did, would most people care? Anyway, originally Labor planned for the NBN to be privatised. Dutton ridiculed the tactic.

As we look to election year, the 2025 parliamentary sitting calendar came out this week. It has a fortnight sitting in February and pencils in a budget for March 25, which would set up a May poll. Of course this doesn’t rule out an earlier (March) election although Albanese has said more than once he plans a pre-election budget.

Regardless, we are already in the election campaign. At caucus on Tuesday Albanese was, for the second time recently, talking about the second term agenda.

Announcements like confetti

Announcements are raining down like confetti especially related to cost-of-living issues. Supermarkets are being heavily targeted. Launching his merger reform legislation on Thursday, Chalmers said every supermarket merger would be screened, regardless of whether it fell under the new arrangements.

Present polls are showing the most likely election result, to be delivered by sour voters, is a hung parliament with a minority Labor government.

Albanese told caucus he was focused on winning majority government. Dutton knows that if the Coalition can’t win, the more crossbenchers it can force Labor to need to rely on, the more unstable a second-term Labor government would be.

Both sides have a great deal of bedding-down to do before the actual campaign.

Key items on Labor’s legislative agenda aren’t just not introduced, they are unseen – for instance, on gambling advertising, social media restrictions for young people, electoral funding.

Major bills are stuck in the parliament – notably on housing, where the Greens may eventually do a deal but are stringing out the pain.

On the other side, the Coalition has released minimal policy. On its controversial nuclear power plan, it has put out minimal details, in particular refusing to produce costings. It can’t hold back everything until the last moment.

Will the campaign even matter?

When the formal campaign comes, how much will it matter?

There is the old saying “you can’t fatten the pig on market day”. In other words, the election result may be decided well before the actual campaign.

What do the last three elections (2016, 2019, 2022) tell us about the importance of the formal campaign? In each case, the result was narrow, a matter of a handful of seats.

In 2022, there was probably nothing Morrison could have done in the last weeks to salvage the situation – to use another farm metaphor, his goose was cooked. In the event, he ran a bad campaign.

In 2016 prime minister Malcolm Turnbull just scraped home; Turnbull’s flawed campaigning maximised the number of seats he lost.

In 2019, when it seemed Bill Shorten was almost certain to take Labor to victory, its defeat may have been sealed in the campaign itself, although its heavy policy load always put it in a precarious situation.

In 2022 Albanese was judged a poor campaigner. Aware of this, Labor strategists will be doing everything to make sure he is fully prepared for “gotcha” questions (on which he faltered last time) and the other hazards that can arise spontaneously.

Dutton’s forte is negativity, his natural style is the attack. But in those final weeks, more will be needed.

One challenge in leaving policy releases late is that holes can slip through, inviting slip ups.

Dutton has far from established himself as a rounded alternative prime minister. Indeed his current approach on the Middle East, completely lacking nuance, raises questions about how he would handle the complexities of foreign policy generally. It has not been reassuring. Läs mer…

China removes block on Australian lobster, in last big bilateral trade breakthrough

China has removed the last significant trade barrier it imposed on Australia, with a timetable to resume full lobster imports by the end of the year.

Anthony Albanese announced the breakthrough after a meeting with Chinese Premier Li Qiang in Vientiane, where the prime minister is attending the ASEAN-Australia summit.

Albanese said the end of the barrier would be in time for the Chinese New Year. This would be welcomed by those in the lobster trade in places including Geraldton, Western Australia, and in South Australia and Tasmania, he said.

The lobster decision means the Chinese over the last two years have removed trade barriers of nearly $20 billion slapped on Australia during the time of the former government when relations between the two countries went into a deep freeze. This followed various Australian decisions, including the call for an inquiry into the origins of COVID.

Remaining impediments are now worth less than $500 million, with two red meat establishments still affected.

The lobster trade was worth more than $700 million in 2019.

More than 3000 people are employed in the lobster industry, 2000 of them in WA.

“The reinstatement in normalised trade for all commodities is front and centre of the Government’s engagement strategy with China,” Albanese said.

“It is in the interests of both our countries to continue this path of stabilising our relationship. A resumption in trade for all Australian commodities is an important part of this process.” Läs mer…

Fatima Payman’s new Australia’s Voice party to appeal to the ‘unheard’

Senator Fatima Payman, launching her new political party Australia’s Voice, is pitching strongly at the large number of voters who are disillusioned with the big parties.

“Australians are fed up with the major parties having a duopoly, a stranglehold over our democracy. If we need to drag the two major parties kicking and screaming to do what needs to be done, we will.”

Payman, who stresses she is not forming a Muslim party, quoted both Gough Whitlam and Robert Menzies in introducing the new group.

She said the party was “for the disenfranchised, the unheard, and those yearning for real change”. But she was short on any detail, saying policies and candidates would come later.

Payman quit the Labor party to join the crossbench after disciplinary action that followed her crossing the floor over Gaza. A senator from Western Australia, she doesn’t face the voters until the election after next.

It has previously been flagged the party intends to field Senate candidates as well as run in some lower house seats. Its strategist is so-called preference whisperer Glenn Druery, who works for Payman. Druery had success in promoting micro-party candidates running for upper houses in the past, but tightened federal electoral rules mean it will be an uphill battle to get a senator elected for the new party.Payman told a news conference on Wednesday: “This is more a movement than a party. It’s a movement for a fairer, more inclusive, Australia. Together we will hold our leaders accountable and ensure that your voice – Australia’s Voice – is never silenced.”

Payman invoked “the great Gough Whitlam” when he said, “There are some people who are so frightened to put a foot wrong that they won’t put a foot forward”.

“This comment made in 1985 applies so much to the current Labor Party who has lost its way,” Payman said.

Looking also to the other side of politics she said: “Australia’s Voice believes in a system where people come first, where your concerns are not just heard but acted upon. We reject the status quo that serves the powerful and ignores the rest, the forgotten people as Robert Menzies put it.”

She said after spending countless hours listening to Australians, the message she’d heard had been “a growing frustration”.

“A feeling of being left behind, of shouting into a void, only for their concerns to fall on deaf ears.

”So many of you have told me, with emotion in your hearts. ‘We need something different We need a voice’.

”It is this cry for change that has brought us here today. Because we can no longer sit by while our voices are drowned out by the same old politics. It’s time to stand up, to rise together, and to take control of our future.”

Underlining the party would be inclusive, Payman said, “This is a party for all Australians. We’re going to ensure that everyone is represented, whether it’s the mums and dads who are trying to make ends meet, or the young students out there, or whether it’s the grandparents who want to have dignity and respect as they age.” Läs mer…

Government to put pressure on opposition with legislation to ensure NBN stays in public hands

The Albanese government on Wednesday will introduce legislation to ensure the NBN remains in government ownership.

The move is designed to set up a test for the Coalition, putting pressure on the opposition ahead of the election to declare whether it would try to privatise the NBN.

The government said in a statement from Prime Minister Anthony Albanese, Finance Minister Katy Gallagher and Communications Minister Michelle Rowland: “The Coalition rushed to declare the NBN ‘complete’ so they could put it on the block for sale – selling out Australian consumers and regional communities.

”The Albanese government won’t let that happen. This legislation will ensure the NBN is owned by who it belongs to – the Australian people.”

The upgrades the government had undertaken “are already making a real difference in the lives of Australians through faster, more reliable internet access. Keeping the NBN in public hands will lock in affordable and accessible high speed internet for all Australians for generations to come.”

Albanese said:“The Coalition made a mess of the NBN – my government is getting on with the job of fixing it and making sure it stays in public hands, where it belongs.”

Rowland said: “Australians don’t trust the Coalition not to flog off the NBN just like they did with Telstra, resulting in higher prices and poorer services, especially in the regions.”

Downgraded

The Rudd Labor government announced what was to be a predominantly fibre-to-the-home wholesale network in 2009, promising it would cost $43 billion and later be privatised to claw back the expense.

In 2010 Communications Minister Stephen Conroy said Labor “remained firmly committed to selling its stake in NBN Co after the network was fully built and operational, subject to market conditions and security considerations”.

By 2020 the government was estimated to have spent $51 billion on a scaled-down version of the project completed using a mix of technologies.

In June that year a review by the Parliamentary Budget Office put its fair value at $8.7 billion. Läs mer…

Politics with Michelle Grattan: Danielle Wood on the keys to growing Australia’s weak productivity

“Productivity” might sound a nerdy word to many, but improving it is vital for a more affluent life for Australians in coming years. At the moment it is languishing.

Investigating ways in which our national productivity can be improved is at the heart of the work of the Productivity Commission, headed by Danielle Wood.

Wood is an economist and former CEO of the Grattan Institute. Picked by Treasurer Jim Chalmers for the PC job, she has already acquired a reputation for being willing to express forthright views, even when they don’t suit the government. She joins us today to talk about the tasks ahead, the commission’s work and some of the current big issues.

On Australia’s weak productivity numbers, Wood highlights what steps the government can and can’t take:

There’s a lot in productivity that’s outside of government’s control. So we sometimes talk about it like it’s something that government does to the economy. There’s a lot around technology, the pace of change and diffusion of change that are critically important for productivity that’s largely outside of government’s hands.

There’s no sort of single lever that you pull that makes all the difference. And, you know, if you looked at the Productivity Commission’s last big review of productivity released at the start of last year, you definitely get that sense.

If I was to pick just a small number […] of what I think are critically important areas. Sensible, durable, long-term market-based approach to climate policy that’s going to allow us to make the huge transition, including the energy transition that we need in the lowest possible cost way. That’s hugely important for long-run productivity. Housing: fixing the housing challenge and that’s got to go to some pretty serious work being done on planning policy, which I think is really important.

Then I would point to policies that support the rollout of new technologies. As I said before technological change is critical for productivity growth. So policies that build the right environment, particularly for big changes in technology like AI. So there you’re looking at the regulatory environment, your data policies, your IP policies. They all need to be working together.

If I can sneak in one more, I would put the government’s announcement that it will revitalise national competition policy, and I think that’s a really exciting one. And if it’s done well, if they can actually get the states to come to the table and agree on areas where we can reduce regulatory and other barriers to competition across the country, that’s a really important lever for getting economic dynamism moving again.

How has working from home has affected productivity?

Look, it’s a very big change, and you don’t often get these kinds of really sharp structural shifts in behaviour and in labour markets, and we’re still learning about it.

The research tends to suggest that hybrid work, so working at home sometimes and in the office sometimes, […] doesn’t seem to have negative productivity impacts If anything, slightly positive productivity benefits, and it has big benefits to individuals in terms of giving them flexibility, avoiding the commute and particularly for things like women’s workforce participation. I think it’s been really helpful and positively influential.

On the other hand, fully remote work, which is rarer – there is some evidence if you’re not ever coming into the office, you miss out on some of the spill-over benefits of sharing ideas, the kind of water-cooler effects, training and development.

I work from home one day a week, on Monday, and I do no meetings or calls on that day. And I do all my deep, deep work on Monday, and then the rest of the week I’m in the office and back to back.

With housing policy front and centre and a debate about whether changes to negative gearing and the capital gains discount should be made, Wood hoses down how much difference that would make:

It’s not a silver bullet on the house price front. There may be other reasons that you make those changes, particularly if you were doing a kind of broader base tax reform exercise. I would say that you’d want to have those on the table. But when it comes to housing challenges, there’s probably some bigger ones there. The ones […] around planning, around construction productivity, around workforce, are going to be more important in the long term to getting the housing challenge right.

Wood was initially had concerns about the Future Made in Australia policy. Now she says she now is pleased with where the government has landed:

Look, I’m certainly very pleased with the guardrails that the government have put in place. I think the publishing of the national interest framework, which puts a lot more economic rigour around the assessments of particular sectors looking for support, was a really important development.

Certainly puts my mind at ease that there is a lot of rigour around who gets support. Because as you said there is always a risk with these types of policies that we end up wasting money for supporting industries that don’t have a good case for economic support from the taxpayer.

— Transcript —

Michelle Grattan: Danielle Wood is almost a year into her post as head of the Productivity Commission. A leading economist and formerly chief of the think tank the Grattan Institute, Wood has taken the Commission’s message out into the public arena. She’s been refreshingly forthright in her willingness to critique government policies, most notably the Future Made in Australia industry policy, for which legislation is due to pass Parliament soon. Languishing productivity is one of Australia’s major economic challenges. In this podcast, Danielle Wood joins us to discuss this and other issues.

Danielle Wood in your relatively brief time as head of the Productivity Commission, you’ve been out and about and publicly vocal a good deal more, I think, than your predecessors, sometimes criticising government policies. Did you decide on this strategy when you accepted the job? And how important do you think it is for the head of key institutions like the Commission and indeed the Reserve Bank to be willing to use their voices even when that might make the Government squirm a bit?

Danielle Wood: A very interesting question, Michelle. Look, I mean, I have been out and about a lot, and I certainly did make that a deliberate strategy. And that’s largely because I think organisations like the Productivity Commission have a really important role in informing and shaping debate and making the case for difficult policy reform. I think it’s true to say that any time I say something that might be seen as politically inconvenient for the government the media get excited. And there’s probably a lot more reporting on those comments than perhaps a lot of the other commentary I’ve been making. Making those sort of criticisms is definitely not something I do lightly. But I think there are circumstances where the PC has deep expertise and research in areas. And I think if the policy’s not as well designed as it could be that there can be a case for independent agencies like the PC to speak up. And in doing so I really hope that makes the debate stronger. I think it makes the policy responses stronger. And I think we’re fortunate to have a system with the degree of political maturity that allows that to happen. You know, there are actually not that many countries with an independent, broad ranging policy institution like the Productivity Commission. The fact that governments of various stripes have supported that role over several decades now – I think it makes it a really important and unique part of the policy landscape.

Michelle Grattan: Now productivity in Australia is languishing. What are the reasons, do you think, for this? And what are the top performing countries when it comes to productivity and how are they performing better?

Danielle Wood: This is a complicated one and I think it’s really important to differentiate, as I’ll do, Michelle, between what’s happened since COVID and the more business as usual world pre-COVID, because we’ve been on this crazy rollercoaster ride when it comes to productivity in the post-COVID period. It shot up very rapidly early on in COVID as we shut down parts of the economy because they were the lower productivity services sectors that mechanically made it go up. We then came down that hump as things reopened.

On the other side of COVID we’ve also had a very strong labour market just because of the very fast increase in working hours we’ve seen as unemployment’s come down, as borders have reopened, as people are working more hours. Our capital stock hasn’t kept up and that’s kept productivity really subdued in the post-COVID period. So we’re running at only about half a percent in the year to June.

In that period, most countries have been going through similar challenges. The US actually stands out as a very strong performer in this post-COVID period and we’re doing some work with the RBA at the moment looking at that and trying to understand that – it may be because of their COVID policies or because they’ve got a fairly substantial investment boom underway. It can be about differences in the labour market. But we’re looking at that question.

The more substantive piece, given that a lot of that is about the macro environment, is really the question of what are we recovering to? You’ll recall that that decade sandwiched between COVID and the GFC leading up to 2020 saw really weak productivity growth. We were running about 1.1% a year on average – the lowest level in 60 years. That was not just an Australian phenomenon. At that point, if you looked around the industrialised world, we saw that same sluggish productivity growth basically everywhere.

There’s a number of structural factors at play that we think contributed to that. One is the expansion of services sectors– they tend to be lower productivity. We’ve seen fewer gains from technological advancements – at least up to that point technology hadn’t played the same role in driving productivity improvements as it had in the past. A reduction in economic dynamism, so fewer new businesses being started, fewer people changing jobs. And just more generally lower levels of investment – it looked like businesses were scarred in a post-GFC world and were not investing in the way they had in the past. So there’s a lot of common factors across countries. The real question going forward is can we break free of some of those constraints and see productivity moving again?

Michelle Grattan: So what would you say would be the three most productivity enhancing measures that Australia could take in the short term?

Danielle Wood: You’re really going to try and pin my colours to the mast Michelle! So two things I think are really important to say at the outset of this conversation. First, there’s a lot in productivity that’s outside of government’s control. So we sometimes talk about it like it’s something that government does to the economy. There’s a lot around technology, the pace of change and diffusion of change that are critically important for productivity, largely outside of government’s hands.

The other thing to say is it’s a game of inches. You actually need governments to move across a range of different policy fronts at once. There’s no single lever that you pull that makes all the difference. And if you look at the Productivity Commission’s last big review of productivity released at the start of last year, you definitely get that sense. There were 70 recommendations, five big areas for reform.

But if I was to pick just a small number of critically important areas, and we will take some political constraints off the table here maybe for the purposes of this conversation… a sensible, durable, long-term market-based approach to climate policy that’s going to allow us to make the huge transition, including the energy transition that we need in the lowest possible cost way. That’s hugely important for long-run productivity.

Housing. Fixing the housing challenge. And that’s got to go to some pretty serious work being done on planning policy, which I think is really important. But there are a lot of other barriers to housing supply around the regulatory environment and workforce. And that matters because if you can’t build houses where people live close to jobs, if people can’t get into housing, they have reduced capacity to start their own businesses and take risks in the economy. That is a big drag on productivity over time.

Then I would point to policies that support the rollout of new technologies. As I said before, technological change is critical for productivity growth. So policies that build the right environment, particularly for big changes in technology like AI. There you’re looking at the regulatory environment, your data policies, your IP policies. They all need to be working together, of course we need to manage the risks associated with these new technologies, but we don’t want to be putting unnecessary impediments that would slow down technological change across the economy.

So those are three big areas. Actually, if I can sneak in one more… the Government has announced that it will revitalise national competition policy, and I think that’s a really exciting one. And if it’s done well, if they can actually get the states to come to the table and agree on areas where we can reduce regulatory and other barriers to competition across the country, that’s a really important lever for getting economic dynamism moving again.

Michelle Grattan: Just on housing, there’s been a lot of controversy lately, of course, around negative gearing and the discount. Do you think that it would be useful to change negative gearing arrangements and the capital gains discount? The Grattan Institute, where you came from, was a supporter of change. Do you agree with that?

Danielle Wood: You know, it’s not something that the Productivity Commission has done work on so I can’t talk about it from a PC perspective.

Michelle Grattan: But you are, beyond tax, you’re a tax expert.

Danielle Wood: Yes, indeed. But look, what we said in that Grattan work, which I think is important, is it’s not a silver bullet on the house price front. There might be other reasons that you make those changes, particularly if you were doing a kind of broader base tax reform exercise I would see that you’d want to have those on the table. But when it comes to housing challenges, there’s probably some bigger ones there. You know, the ones I was talking about before around planning, around construction productivity, around workforce, that are going to be more important in the long term to getting the housing challenge right.

Michelle Grattan: So you would say it is a second-order issue in terms of housing policy?

Danielle Wood: In terms of housing affordability that’s right. But there may be other reasons that you would look at it if you were looking at the tax system more broadly.

Michelle Grattan: Now, you mentioned services before, and they’re obviously an increasingly large part of our economy, and yet it’s hard to define productivity in this sector. For example, if you have a carer spending a longer time with a person in a nursing home, is that actually increasing productivity? Probably not, but it has other obvious benefits. So how do you deal with this non-market part of the economy?

Danielle Wood: It’s an incredibly important question and it’s a very difficult one, and I think there are two parts to it. So the thing you’re picking up with your aged care example is essentially the challenge of trying to measure service quality. Across the national accounts when we work out productivity we try and adjust for quality, and I think the ABS does that really well in some areas like housing and technology, there are ways that they control for quality change over time, but that is very hard to do in services.

The PC did some recent work where we looked at this question for health and we tried to control for improvements in health outcomes across a range of chronic diseases. And what we found is productivity is much higher than what would be measured using traditional techniques because we’ve seen these really big improvements in outcomes for treating chronic diseases that don’t get captured in the statistics. And that gets even harder, as you say, in areas like aged care. How do you measure the warmth of care or the quality of care? I think we just have to recognise that there will always be gaps in the statistics and they are not perfect when it comes to measuring quality of services.

The other big challenge when it comes to services is that historically we haven’t seen the same productivity gains in services as we’ve seen in areas like manufacturing or agriculture. Going forward, I think we can look at new technologies like AI and see potential for gains in some areas of government-provided services like health and perhaps education. But there are going to be other sectors, particularly those care sectors, where it is irreducibly human. You know, I say labour is the product, that spending time with people is what you are providing. And that means it’s just going to be harder to get productivity gains in those sectors. So none of that is to say that we shouldn’t provide these services and continue to support them and expand them where there is a good economic or social policy case to do so. But we need to recognise that the productivity gains will not be there in those areas as they are in other parts of the economy.

Michelle Grattan: Now you have a long-term interest in childcare and the Commission has just recommended a major expansion in government spending on early childhood education and care, but it does not envisage that this will in fact lift women’s participation in the workforce to any great degree. So is expanding childcare now mainly about educational equity rather than participation and productivity?

Danielle Wood: Well, I think the first thing to say is that childcare has been transformative for women’s workforce participation. And even in the last few years, Michelle, as you would know, as it’s become more affordable, we have seen big gains in workforce participation. Women’s workforce participation is now at record levels.

But it is true that you expect some of those gains to start to slow down as participation rises. And what we found in our report is not that there aren’t barriers to access and affordability that constrain women’s choices, but that childcare is a smaller part of that now. And things like the tax and transfer system, withdrawal of family tax benefits play a bigger role in the sort of workforce disincentives that we’ve been worried about for a long time. Critically, though, as you say, it’s the education benefits that really loom large here. And we found that kids that are going to get the most out of childcare in terms of their development and education are the ones that are accessing it least. So children from disadvantaged backgrounds tend to use care a lot less than other children. Helping those children get the benefits of care for development, for being school ready, is a critical social and economic opportunity.

Michelle Grattan: The pandemic saw a big shift to many people working from home, and this has continued to a considerable degree. Workers want it and indeed, in some companies, are demanding it. What are the productivity implications of this shift?

Danielle Wood: Yeah, look, it’s a very big change and you don’t often get these really sharp structural shifts in behaviour and in labour markets. And we’re still learning about it, you need to be modest about these things, but from the research and data we’ve seen to date, I’m much less concerned that it’s going to have a big negative impact as we might have been earlier on. And by that, I mean the research tends to suggest that hybrid work, so working at home sometimes and in the office sometimes, particularly well-managed hybrid work, doesn’t seem to have negative productivity impacts. If anything, it has slightly positive productivity benefits. And it has big benefits to individuals in terms of giving them flexibility, avoiding the commute. And particularly for things like women’s workforce participation I think it’s been really helpful and positively influential.

On the other hand, fully remote work, which is rarer… there is some evidence, again, the data is mixed, but some studies suggest that it may negatively affect productivity. If you’re not ever coming into the office, you miss out on some of the spill-over benefits of sharing ideas, the kind of watercooler effects, training, development. So, if we were in a world where everyone was working fully remotely I think I would be more concerned. But I think broadly, when it comes to hybrid work, the best evidence we have suggests it’s unlikely to be a drag on productivity.

Michelle Grattan: What about your own work? Do you work from home at all?

Danielle Wood: I work from home one day a week on Monday, and I do no meetings or calls on that day. And I do all my deep work on Monday. Then the rest of the week I’m in the office and back-to-back.

Michelle Grattan: Now, the government has made a number of important changes in the industrial relations area. It’s been a priority for it. How important are workplace arrangements to productivity and have the recent changes been positive or negative or mixed for our productivity challenge?

Danielle Wood: Look, it’s definitely fair to say that workplace relations policies matter for productivity. This is not an area that the Commission has been asked to look into for some time. I think the last time we did a serious review into workplace relations was a decade or so ago, Michelle. And in that review, we really talked about the balancing act that exists – the need to balance the need for good standards in the workplace and protections for workers, against the benefits that come with flexibility and the advantages of that for business. And at that time, we had suggestions for improvements, but we found that the system was working relatively well. There have been a number of changes since then, including in recent years. But without reviewing those in any detail, it’s difficult for me to comment on the broader impact of those particular changes.

Michelle Grattan: Treasurer Jim Chalmers indicated some time ago when he was talking about the reform of the PC that he wanted it to be active in the sphere of the energy transition. How have you responded to this?

Danielle Wood: Something that I’ve done since taking on the role of Chair is to recognise the need to build expertise in some key policy areas that aren’t going away. So we’ve developed a number of research streams, energy and climate being one of those. We are really building up a team that will continue to work on those issues and put out research on those issues over time. We have a new Commissioner, Barry Sterland, who has deep expertise in climate policy, so that’s an important part of building that internal expertise. So you will see us putting out a whole series of pieces on energy and climate and I think we’re really well-placed to make a constructive contribution in that sphere. So watch this space.

Michelle Grattan: Could you give us any detail of time or topic?

Danielle Wood: I am not able to do that at the moment for various complicated reasons, but there will certainly be material coming out next year.

Michelle Grattan: One thing that you made a media splash on was the Government’s Future Made in Australia program, its industry program aimed at supporting Australian industry in the transition to the green economy. You expressed some concern about it at the time. Are you now convinced that there are enough guardrails around this policy that it doesn’t become a waste of taxpayer money and that money won’t be going to rent seekers who don’t deserve or need it?

Danielle Wood: Look, I’m certainly very pleased with the guardrails that the Government has put in place. I think the publishing of the National Interest Framework, which puts a lot more economic rigour around the assessments of particular sectors looking for support, was a really important development. We think that it’s really important that those sector assessments be done before the government offers support to new areas. And we’ve encouraged things like the sort of public release of those assessments, which I believe will occur. So, I think provided that process gets used, it certainly puts my mind at ease that there is a lot of rigour around who gets support. Because as you said, you know, there is always a risk with these types of policies that we end up wasting money supporting industries that don’t have a good case for economic support from the taxpayer.

Michelle Grattan: So would the Commission be doing its own assessment of how this program is working after some time?

Danielle Wood: We are putting in a submission to the Treasury consultation process on the frameworks that might underpin the national interest assessments and the legislation, if it passes, I think requires ongoing consultation with the Commissioners as Treasury does these assessments. So we will continue to play an active role in this process going forward.

Michelle Grattan: Now, just finally, in a speech recently, you defended the role of economists in assessing government policies and programs. You were saying that they were able to tell, in your words, inconvenient truths, but you also had a go at your profession saying that many have been willfully blind to questions of distribution, arguing that it’s not their job to consider economic inequality. Can you just say what you’re getting at here and perhaps give some examples of this failing? And why do you think this blind spot is there?

Danielle Wood: Well let me let me give the plug for economists, Michelle, before we talk about all our failures. As I was trying to say in that speech, economists bring something really important to the table in policy discussions, and that is, you know, rigorous frame frameworks for thinking about trade-offs. And that’s really important in the policy world because you’ve got a million good ideas out there, as you know, but you’ve got scarce resources. Scarce time, scarce money. You need to prioritise and you need to make trade-offs. So economists can and should play a really important role in policy for that reason.

The blind spots I was talking about, as I said, there had been a sort of strain in the economics profession, I think, for a long time that basically said we’re focussed on questions of efficiency, we don’t do distribution. And I think that came from the fact that that was seen to involve value judgements that we don’t want to contend with. We’ve since learned a lot more about the way in which inequality can feed into growth, around the importance of issues like economic mobility. I think most economists would now understand that these are actually really important economic as well as social questions. In terms of where that played out – probably the place where it was most evident, and I think this is probably more squarely in the US and Australia, was around fallout to trade policy and trade liberalization. It was all about increasing the size of the pie, which it did very effectively. But it certainly never said that, you know, there wouldn’t be any losers from that. I think the learning was that you really have to care about the transition, that you have to work with the communities and workers that are affected if you’re doing a policy that’s broadly in the public good, but sees some people go backwards. I think we did that better in Australia than the US, but there are probably still some lessons to learn there.

The other area I was pointing out where I think economists haven’t always covered themselves with glory, more in the Australian context, was around opening up human services markets to competition. I think there were a number of areas where we were too enamoured with the idea that competition and consumer choice would drive good outcomes, and we just didn’t give enough thought to questions of provider incentives, the regulatory frameworks we would need in place. I think employment services and vocational education and training are key examples of that, and probably some of the challenges we face with the NDIS at the moment as well. So I think they were areas where some economists were a bit naive and certainly I think the thinking and the profession has progressed a lot about how we could do better in those types of markets.

Michelle Grattan: Danielle Wood, thank you so much for joining us today. We hope to hear continued bold words from you in the months and years ahead. That’s all for today’s Conversation Politics podcast. Thank you to my producer, Ben Roper. We’ll be back with another interview soon, but goodbye for now. Läs mer…

Partisanship dominates as federal parliament fights over Middle East war

Federal parliament has split on partisan lines over the Middle East crisis, just a day after the anniversary of the Hamas atrocities against Israelis.

After discussions between Anthony Albanese and Peter Dutton failed to reach agreement, the government’s wide-ranging motion passed the House of Representatives with the Coalition voting against it.

The Greens abstained from voting. Almost all the crossbench voted with the government, although “teal” MP Allegra Spender said “I wish that we as a parliament could come together and lead unitedly”.

The division between Labor and Coalition over the escalating war has increasingly widened over recent months, with Dutton giving unqualified backing to Israel’s strategy and using the issue to paint the prime minister as a “weak” leader.

The government, while backing Israel’s right to defend itself, has had a more qualified position, including supporting calls for a ceasefire.

The long motion reiterated “unequivocal condemnation” of the Hamas’ terror attacks, and called for the immediate release of the remaining hostages.

It condemned antisemitism “in all its forms and stands with Jewish Australians who have felt the cold shadows of antisemitism reaching into the present day”.

It also recognised the number of Palestinian civilians killed in Gaza, and supported international efforts to provide humanitarian assistance in Gaza and Lebanon.

It condemned Iran’s attacks on Israel and recognised Israel’s right to defend itself.

Backing international efforts for a ceasefire in Gaza and in Lebanon, the motion reaffirmed “support for a two-state solution, a Palestinian State alongside Israel, so that Israelis and Palestinians can live securely within internationally recognised borders, as the only option to ensuring a just and enduring peace”.

As well, the motion recognised the deep distress the Middle East situation was causing many in Australia.

Albanese told parliament the government would continue to call for de-escalating the violence and conflict in the region. “Tragically, we are seeing the situation worsening.”

“Further hostilities put civilians at risk. We cannot accept the callous arithmetic of so-called acceptable casualties.”

Dutton said the motion was supposed to be about what had happened on October 7.

“The prime minister is trying to speak out of both sides of his mouth.”

“There has been a position of bipartisanship on these issues, and your predecessors would have had the decency to respect the Jewish community in a way that you have not done today. And for that, prime minister, you should stand condemned.”

He accused Albanese of rejecting the opposition’s position “for his own political domestic advancement”.

A later attempt by Dutton to move his motion was shut down by the government.

In the Senate Greens senators held up placards with the words “SANCTIONS NOW”. Some Greens wore keffiyehs.

Crossbencher Lidia Thorpe accused Foreign Minister Penny Wong of being “complicit in genocide”. Läs mer…

View From The Hill: Fatima Payman promises PM ‘a full body contact competition’

When Senator Fatima Payman quit Labor over Gaza, she not only delivered a blow to the government, she also got under Anthony Albanese’s skin.

So he’s refused to give the now crossbencher as many staff as, for example, fellow independent senator David Pocock, from the ACT.

With Payman readying to unveil her own political party this week, Albanese on Monday told the Australian Financial Review she should “test democratic support for her actions by contesting the next election herself” under her party’s banner.

Payman, from Western Australia, who doesn’t have to face the voters until the election after next, had a quick reposte.

“I will be testing the support for my actions by running a political party in the next election,” she said.

“My reputation will be on the line. This new party will be tested not just in Western Australia but across the nation.

”We are looking at running candidates in marginal seats. If the PM really wants to arm wrestle, we may even run a candidate in Grayndler [Albanese’s seat].

”This will be a full body contact competition.”

The plan for Payman’s party is to contest the Senate in every state. The candidates in marginal seats would not be fielded with the expectation of winning any lower house spots but to improve the party’s bargaining position in relation to possible deals for Senate votes.

Her strategist and chief of staff is so-called “preference whisperer” Glenn Druery, who long worked the system by negotiating arrangements at federal and state levels to maximise the chances of micro-parties being elected.

The Turnbull government passed changes to the electoral arrangements to try to foil such shenanigans.

But it is still possible for a fluke win in the Senate, where the crossbench matters. This happened with United Australia Party’s Ralph Babit, who secured a Victorian senate spot in 2022, although the UAP polled only 4% of the vote.

Payman again stressed she was not forming a “Muslim” party, but would campaign on issues across the board. Gaza and the Middle East would be only part of her platform, under “foreign affairs”.

ABC analyst Antony Green discounted the Payman party’s chances, saying after the electoral changes the only preference deals that matter involve the major parties and the Greens.

Muslim political advocacy groups Muslim Votes Matter and The Muslim Vote have recently been set up. They are not planning to run candidates, but aim to support candidates who reflect their values and priorities.

Payman said that in seeking candidates, her party would be taking an inclusive approach.

The testy exchange between Albanese and Payman came on the one year anniversary of the Hamas attacks on Israelis, as the Middle East war continues to widen.

In a separate statement Payman said: “As an Australian, as a Muslim, and as a humanitarian, the bloodshed of any human being is against the core principles of my identity.

”Today is a powerful reminder why we need to renew our commitment to standing for justice and upholding human rights for all.

”Nothing justifies the killing of civilians. Nothing justifies the slaughter of of 20,000 children. Nothing justifies apartheid. Nothing justifies occupation.

”My thoughts and prayers go out to all who are suffering the loss of loved ones and grieving the genocide.”

Albanese said in a statement that on the anniversary “we pause to reflect on the horrific terrorist atrocity that reverberated around the globe.

”October 7 is a day that carries terrible pain. Over 1,200 innocent Israelis died: the largest loss of Jewish life on any single day since the Holocaust.

”We unequivocally condemn Hamas’ actions on that day.

”Innocent lives taken at a music festival. Women, men and children killed in their homes. Brutality that was inflicted with cold calculation,” Albanese said.

“We also think of the hostages whose lives remain suspended in the fear and isolation of captivity. For their loved ones, this past year must have felt like an eternity – the agony of waiting and not knowing, or of having the terrible truth confirmed.”

The prime minister said that since the atrocities, “Jewish Australians have felt the cold shadows of antisemitism reaching into the present day – and as a nation we say never again.

”We unequivocally condemn all prejudice and hatred. There is no place in Australia for discrimination against people of any faith.

”As we mourn and reflect, we also re-affirm a fundamental principle of our shared humanity: every innocent life matters.

”We recognise the distress the conflict has caused here in Australia.”

Albanese said “the number of civilians who have lost their lives is a devastating tragedy”. Läs mer…

Grattan on Friday: As the anniversary of the Voice vote nears, the high costs of Albanese’s misjudgement are clear

This time a year ago, we were on the cusp of the October 14 Voice referendum. Most players were already aware it was doomed. Less understood was just how far-reaching would be the impact of what, in retrospect, was a massive miscalculation by Prime Minister Anthony Albanese.

In his maiden speech in 1996, Albanese declared multiculturalism and reconciliation with Indigenous Australians would be “one of my primary concerns”, but he was not publicly prominent on Aboriginal issues after that, as he rose through Labor’s ranks.

So it came as surprise to some that he invested so much political capital in pledging, especially on election night in 2022, to deliver the Uluru Statement from the Heart “in full”, with the constitutional Voice the first and most significant step.

By mid-2023, the battle for the Voice was absorbing an enormous amount of the government’s attention and distracting it from the cost-of-living issue. For many ordinary voters, increasingly preoccupied with their mortgages and other bills, this was baffling as well as frustrating.

When the overwhelming loss came – six in ten people voted no – it was as if the government’s balloon had popped. What had all this effort been for? Not just nothing, but worse than nothing. The referendum gamble had knocked the stuffing out of both the government and the quest for reconciliation.

Albanese was left depleted. The government had wasted time (never mind the money) that could have been devoted to other things, including working up other policies for Aboriginal people. The defeat was followed by a federal retreat on Indigenous affairs.

Indigenous leaders were shattered, and local communities shocked and disillusioned.A year on, and blame continues to be thrown about, and shifted. Megan Davis, one of the drafters of the Uluru statement, told the Weekend Australian, “We were sidelined […] The Uluru statement was issued to the Australian people. It was an appeal to them. That got lost in the bread and butter adversarial tussle.”

Davis and other Indigenous leaders were certainly not “sidelined”. The Albanese government elevated what they said over pragmatic considerations. For instance, when Attorney-General Mark Dreyfus wanted to tinker with some detail of the referendum wording, that was effectively vetoed by the Indigenous advisers.

Moreover, while it’s true “adversarial politics” helped stymie the referendum – though that was not the only reason for its defeat – Indigenous leaders were on both sides of those adversarial politics. Peter Dutton’s opposition dealt the Voice a major blow, but it was Indigenous senator Jacinta Price who was the standout “no” advocate in the campaign.

Indigenous leaders blame the opposition, scare campaigns, disinformation and an ineffective effort from the government. All were factors in the loss. But the “yes” side had money, high profile non-Indigenous activists, and much big business support.

Fundamentally, the story of the Voice is a tale of overreach. Overreach by Albanese. Overreach by Indigenous leaders.

Albanese deluded himself that people would vote for something that wasn’t properly defined, that he could sell it as much on emotion as on practicalities. He underestimated the potency of the argument that no group should be given a special position (which is different from special recognition) in the constitution. He did not take on board that, in the minds of many voters, the “fair go” coin would have two sides.

The Indigenous leaders promoting the Uluru statement were committed to having both recognition and the Voice put into the constitution. They refused to accept that in politics, second best can sometimes be first best – or the only best you can get.

Just think where we might be if they – Albanese, the Voice leaders – had taken another tack. If Albanese had said to those leaders, “Constitutional change is extraordinarily hard – it’s likely beyond my political sway to deliver you all you want.” And if the leaders had said, “We’ll settle for a legislated Voice in this term, and a referendum confined to recognition.”

We would by now have had the Voice operating, giving advice and feedback on policy and programs. Yes, it would have been subject to the risk of abolition by a later government, but that would not have been inevitable.

A referendum just for constitutional recognition would have had a reasonable prospect of passing. Even if it didn’t pass, the Voice would be there.

In the past year, Albanese has shrugged off his preoccupation with Indigenous Affairs as quickly as he seemed to embrace the issue so fervently. The truth-telling Makarrata Commission, despite having budget funding, has been redefined as a process, not the tangible entity it was to be.

More funding for Indigenous housing, education and some other areas has been announced. Albanese is promoting economic empowerment for communities, which is desirable, but we won’t know for some time how this goes. More generally, as Davis says, there has been a distinct shift of Indigenous policy back towards the states, which is problematic at best.

The pro-Voice Indigenous leaders, who included the well-respected Noel Pearson, dropped their bundle after the defeat. It is unclear how the next generation of leaders will fare in promoting the interests of First Australians, particularly in seeking solutions to the so-far intractable problems in remote communities.

Michael Dillon, a former federal public servant and former staffer to Labor Indigenous affairs ministers Clyde Holding, Gerry Hand and Jenny Macklin, says: “In retrospect, the Voice will be seen as the transition point between the old [Indigenous] leadership and the new. The leaders coming through are yet to find their voice and their stride. And this is creating an unfortunate vacuum for Aboriginal aspirations.”

There are other concerns that have emerged in the wake of the overreach that crashed.

We are seeing a backlash against some of the Indigenous recognition that grew in recent years. “Welcome to country” ceremonies at football matches and elsewhere are being questioned. A small thing in itself perhaps, but a symptom.

It remains to be seen if this backlash turns into a wider questioning. It may, at least if the Coalition has its way.

Critics look at failures in Indigenous self-determination as a policy, bringing pressures for a more assimilationist approach. This is the stance of Price, who is shadow minister for Indigenous Australians, though she rejects the depiction.

The brutal truth is that Australia’s Indigenous people find themselves in a worse position than if Albanese had not made that election promise he could not deliver. Hubris, even if linked to good intentions, can cause a lot of hurt. Läs mer…

IMF endorses RBA high interest rates and warns a further hike might be needed if the inflation fight stalls

The International Monetary Fund has endorsed the Reserve Bank’s tough monetary policy – while warning rates might need to rise again if the fight against inflation stalls.

A report after IMF staff visited Australia, issued on Thursday, says the economy is resilient but faces challenges, including significant risks from abroad.

“Growth has slowed; while inflation is retreating from its peak, it remains elevated as demand-supply imbalances persist particularly in sectors like rents, new dwellings and insurance,” the report says.

A “modest” recovery is predicted for next year, taking growth from 1.2% in 2024 to 2.1% for 2025, marked by improvement in real incomes and resilient labour markets. But growth “will remain below its potential rate until 2026, when it is forecast to converge to 2.3%”.

“Near-term policies should continue to focus on reducing inflation while nurturing economic growth, ” the IMF says.

The Reserve Bank’s “continued restrictive monetary policy stance aimed at combating persistent inflation is appropriate”.

Underlying inflation is expected to sustainably return to the RBA’s target range of 2-3% at the end of next year, “with underlying price pressures easing only slowly”.

“Should disinflation stall, policies may need to be further tightened while preserving targeted support to vulnerable households amid rising living costs,” the report says.

It notes “underlying price pressures remain elevated”, pointing to rents, new dwellings, and insurance”.

“While acute demand and supply imbalances in the housing market have begun to ease, national house prices have surpassed pandemic-era peaks and the momentum persists, with rents also rising significantly.”

“Addressing the housing affordability challenges requires a holistic approach to tackle the continued supply shortfall.”

The IMF stresses the need for improving productivity, with enhanced competition and innovation. AI technology should be leveraged “responsibly” and the climate transition navigated strategically.

“Efforts to rejuvenate Australia’s productivity growth, including through competition policy, should be prioritised, focusing on reforms across capital and labor markets.”

The IMF welcomes the second consecutive surplus, for 2023-24, announced this week.

It also backs the proposed new Monetary Policy Board for the Reserve Bank, which is so far blocked because of a lack of parliamentary support. The IMF says the policy is in line with international best practices. It would “bolster central bank operational autonomy and enhance monetary-fiscal policy synergies”.

The IMF advocates tax reforms to promote efficiency and fairness. They should reduce “reliance on direct taxes and high capital costs that hinder growth.

”Tax breaks, including from capital gains tax discount and superannuation concessions, could be phased out to generate a more equitable and efficient tax system.”

The IMF says coming environmental and demographic changes “will put structural upwards pressures on government spending.

”Expenditure reforms should therefore aim to enhance spending efficiency and sustainability,” the IMF says.

Treasurer Jim Chalmers said the IMF had endorsed the government’s economic management.

“The government’s primary focus is to get on top of our inflation challenge without ignoring the risks to growth and the IMF has backed this strategy.” Läs mer…

‘Shrinkflation’ is the Albanese government’s next target to protect supermarket shoppers

The Albanese government will tackle “shrinkflation” in supermarkets and potentially other parts of the retail sector.

This is where the product’s size is reduced but the price stays the same, or the price is cut by less than the reduction in size. The practice has become increasingly common.

The government will strengthen the Unit Pricing Code so people can make better comparisons.

It will also bring in “substantial” (but unspecified) penalties for supermarkets that breach the code.

Consumer group CHOICE has identified Easter products, breakfast cereals, chips and cleaning products among items that have recently been “shrinkflated”.

Home-brand cereals from Coles and Woolworths have suffered shrinkflation.
CHOICE

“Unit pricing helps consumers spot good value for money while being able to see the price of products by their volume, weight or per unit, so they aren’t tricked by unchanged packaging hiding less product,” the government said in a statement.

The Australian Competition and Consumer Commission’s interim supermarket report, released last week, found nearly nine in ten consumers always or often used unit pricing when deciding on products.

Community Co hot cross buns have shrunk and become more expensive since last year.
CHOICE

The government said it will consult on improvements to the code such as

better readability and visibility of unit pricing
addressing inconsistent use of units of measure across supermarkets
whether to expand the scope of retailers covered
requiring more specific prominence and legibility
improving the use of unit pricing in cross-retailer price comparisons

The ACCC will be given funds for a consumer awareness campaign showing people how they can get the best deals.

The move follows a promise on Tuesday to provide the Commission with an extra $30 million to help it undertake more investigations and take more legal action against supermarkets and other retailers.

Biscuits and household cleaners are also shrinking.
CHOICE

The government also promised to work with state and territory governments to wind back planning and zoning restrictions that made it hard for new supermarkets to set up shop.

The interim report of the commission’s year-long supermarkets inquiry, released last week, identified land use restrictions, zoning laws and planning regulations as challenges for aspiring operators attempting to compete with the major chains.

On Monday last week, the ACCC launched legal action against Coles and Woolworths alleging they had breached consumer law by misleading consumers through their “Prices Dropped” and “Down Down” promotions.

In the statement, Prime Minister Albanese said: “Tackling shrinkflation through stronger unit pricing and new penalties is part of our plan to get a better deal for Australians”. Läs mer…