Etikett: Theconversation.com

Russia’s Vladimir Putin and China’s Xi Jinping have announced they will work together more closely to offset US pressure as part of Putin’s two-day state visit to China.

Putin is seeking to firm up his relationship with Xi, to send a signal to the rest of the world about Russia’s status, and to offset economic and political pressure from the west over the Ukraine war. And he has been partly successful, on the political front at least.

Russia has become increasingly reliant on China because of western sanctions imposed since the reinvasion of Ukraine in 2022, so Putin desperately needs to reinforce economic relations, and overcome any fears Xi may have about the risks of taking the relationship to a stronger footing.

The two countries “intend to increase interaction and tighten co-ordination in order to counter Washington’s destructive and hostile course”, they said in a joint statement.

The state visit, Putin’s first international trip since his re-election, provided sufficient pomp to maintain the illusion of equality between the two states, regardless of the growing power imbalance. China’s economy is six times larger than Russia’s. Russia remains a power in long-term decline, while China is a superpower in waiting.

China reaffirmed its stance on the war in Ukraine, calling for a peaceful resolution (rather than openly supporting Moscow). However, there were indications that they would expand their military ties, something that already concerns the west.

On the other hand, Beijing has not agreed to any major deal that would signal open defiance of western sanctions. There was no agreement on the Russia-promoted gas pipeline, Power of Siberia 2, which would allow the export of gas from Russia to north-east China. That’s despite both leaders underlining their willingness to strengthen cooperation in the energy sector. Russia’s energy exports to Europe have fallen dramatically since the Ukraine invasion, and it is looking to expand into other markets to offset that loss.

For a leader who cannot travel even to some other relatively friendly nations, such as South Africa, due to his International Criminal Court arrest warrant, this trip is a huge symbolic win. China, unlike South Africa, is not a member of the ICC, so doesn’t have to implement the ICC warrant.

Russia needs to be reassured that it does not face the US alone, and the summit confirmed Chinese support, with Xi stressing his concern that “the politics of force still threaten peace and security”. Putin and Xi agreed they would work together against “destructive and hostile” US pressure.

Sales of Russian gas to European countries have dropped dramatically, since the beginning of the Ukraine war. Now Russia is looking for a new gas deal with China.
Anton Zubchevskyi /Alamy

China also confirmed its opposition to western nations seizing Russian assets. European countries and the US have discussed using profits from frozen assets to finance the rebuilding of Ukraine.

China is expected to continue to provide Russia with goods that can be used to bolster Russia’s arms production, in particular machine tools. The Russian machine tool industry is almost wholly reliant on such imports, as well as diggers and heavy trucks which can be used as military vehicles.

Silicon chips used in drones, artillery and missiles are also imported from China, while some components reach Russia via central Asia, thus evading sanctions.

Day two of the summit saw the two leaders visit the city of Harbin near the joint border. It’s nicknamed “Little Moscow”, and was the home of many Russians until the 1960s. But also, significantly, it’s the current home of an institute of technology that has previously been used for joint defence research projects, as well as a defence laboratory that is the subject of US sanctions.

Read more:
How have China and Russia beefed up their relationship after Ukraine war wobble? Expert Q&A

Earlier this year, Russia’s foreign minister Sergei Lavrov said that nearly 90% of Russian trade was now conducted in yuan. Both Russia and China are keen to reduce the power of the US dollar as the world’s global currency. The use of other currencies, such as Chinese yuan, for international transactions reduces the US’s international economic dominance.

Moving away from transactions in dollars has helped Russia to mitigate the pain of sanctions. As Putin put it: “We are protected from the influence of third countries and negative tendencies on the global financial markets.”

In a move aimed at improving Russia’s struggling economy, Putin invited Chinese car makers to move to Russia. The two countries also apparently agreed to cooperate on the joint production of automobiles – clearly US tariffs on Chinese car manufacturers make this an attractive option.

Russia in Ukraine

Russia currently appears to be in a much stronger position in the Ukraine war with a new offensive making gains in territory. So this is an opportune moment for Putin to negotiate with Xi. It gives Putin the chance to reverse the impression of a weak Russia pinned down by Ukraine, an impression that Xi may have had in autumn 2022 when he told Putin he had “concerns” , as Russia’s claim of a quick victory over Ukraine had failed to materialise.

The new team that Putin assembled as a result of his reshuffle only a few days ago brought extra ballast to the Russian delegation. Andrei Belousov, the new defence minister, (formerly economics minister) has significant prior experience dealing with China, and the trip to China will help cement his authority.

The summit demonstrated that, in responding to Putin’s overtures, Xi has to walk a fine line. Russia is a necessary political ally and no other major power can play this role. Economically, however, Russia cannot replace either the US or European markets, and China is already facing significant US tariffs on its goods.

Moreover, in geopolitical terms, China needs European countries as trade and investment partners, especially as the US is seeking to reduce purchases of Chinese goods. Any major deal with Russia – for instance on natural gas – would ramp up western concerns about growing Chinese power, but also Russia’s ability to win the Ukraine war, by circumventing western sanctions. Läs mer…

The assassination attempt against Slovakian Prime Minister Robert Fico has been widely condemned by world leaders as an attack on democracy.

In Slovakia, the violent act similarly saw a unified response from the country’s deeply divided political leaders. But how long this lasts is uncertain. Just as outgoing Slovakian president – and Fico rival – Zuzana Caputova called for an end to the “vicious circle of hatred and mutual accusations,” Fico allies lambasted the country’s media and opposition for whipping up tensions.

As an expert on politics in central Europe, I have been interested in how liberal social movements in Slovakia have reacted to the rise of populist rhetoric and policy that Fico exemplified. This research has laid bare not only the increasing move to the right of once center and center-right politicians, but also how this has helped create a polarized political environment.

Who is Robert Fico?

Robert Fico has long been a controversial figure in Slovakia, a central Eastern European country of about 5.4 million people and a member of the European Union.

A former member of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, Fico and his colleagues founded the Party SMER, or “Direction,” in the late 1990s as a leftist party that was critical of Slovakia’s right-wing government at the time. The party also maintained an anti-corruption message and used this to gain popularity in the early 2000s, becoming one of the most dominant parties in Slovak politics.

Fico first became prime minister in 2006. But it is since returning to power in 2012 that he has been seen as a polarizing figure in Slovak politics.

In 2018, Fico was forced to resign following the murder of journalist Jan Kuciak and his fiancée, Martina Kusnirova, in their apartment just outside of Bratislava, Slovakia’s capital.

Prior to his murder, Kuciak alleged that SMER was engaged in corruption involving the Italian Mafia and the embezzlement of EU funds. In 2020, five people, one of whom had links to political figures, were charged with the murders.

Fico has denied these corruption charges. Yet the murders and accusations of corruption led to mass protests against the government and continue to resonate today.

Polarized politics

Despite Fico’s resignation over the issue, the country continued to be politically polarized.

In 2019, Čaputová of the party Progressive Slovakia was elected as the first female president. But a year later, Slovakia saw the election of the most conservative parliament in modern Slovak history.

This pitted Caputova’s liberal agenda against the right-wing parties in government.

Right-wing parties have allied with the Catholic Church and conservative organizations to attack gender equality measures and LGBTQ+ rights and place restrictions on reproductive rights.

The focus on culture war issues has been accompanied by a coarsening of the political debate in Slovakia.

Hateful rhetoric is commonly used in political campaigns to oppose women’s rights, gender equality and LGBTQ+ rights. This rhetoric has contributed to further polarization.

Security personnel apprehend a suspected gunman after the shooting of Robert Fico.
RTVS/AFP via Getty Images

And even before the attack on Fico, there was evidence that the heightened rhetoric was developing into politically motivated violence. In 2022, two members of the LGBTQ+ community were murdered at a bar in Bratislava by a known supporter of the far right.

Nevertheless, Fico continued to rely on populist rhetoric opposing civil liberties in his 2023 election campaign.

By then, he had returned to the spotlight by opposing public health measures related to the COVID-19 pandemic. This was followed by his widely publicized opposition to sending military aid to Ukraine after Russia’s 2022 invasion. At a time when some of Slovakia’s closest allies, such as Poland and Czechia, wholeheartedly supported Ukraine’s efforts against Russian aggression, Fico ran on a campaign of supporting Hungary’s Viktor Orban and Vladimir Putin’s politics against the West.

This messaging proved popular and allowed him to return to power in 2023, with his populist party winning 23% of the vote and becoming the largest party in a right-wing coalition government.

An attack on democracy

Since returning to power, Fico has shown no desire to dial down the culture wars that have split Slovakian society. Rather, his primary focus has been on abolishing and restructuring government agencies and entities that have been critical of his policies.

In February 2024, he moved to shut down Slovakia’s anti-corruption body and abolish the special prosecutor’s office that investigates corruption – a decision that not only drew rebuke from the European Union but also brought Slovaks back out into the streets in protest.

He has also made moves to shut down Slovak Television and Radio, or STVR, and replace it with a state-run TV channel.

Taken together, Fico’s efforts to curb civil liberties and repress opposition have been seen as part of a process to transform Slovakia into an illiberal democracy, much in the mold of Orban’s Hungary.

There is much yet to learn about the motivations and circumstances surrounding the assassination attempt on Fico. But officials have said that it was “politically motivated,” linking it to his divisive policies.

Any display of political violence is, as world leaders have noted, an attempt to undermine democracy. In Slovakia, where political polarization is high, these divisive politics have been shown to, unfortunately, lead to violent outcomes. Läs mer…

Thousands of Georgians have flocked to the streets of Tbilisi, even in the pouring rain, in protest at the passing of a Russian-inspired law that brands overseas-funded NGOs as “foreign agents”. Those who oppose the bill say it could be used to curtail civil liberties.

Two of Russia’s other neighbours, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan, passed similar laws in 2016 and 2024 respectively without much fanfare. But Georgians have passionately objected to their government’s latest manoeuvre, even daring to heckle policemen clad in full riot gear.

Georgians are outraged that the passage of the bill may end dreams of their nation one day becoming a member of the EU. On May 15, the EU said the measure would set back Georgia’s ambitions to join the bloc, and urged the government to withdraw the bill.

Protesters are also frustrated that the leaders of the governing Georgian Dream party are moving closer to Russia. Surveys from 2023 revealed that 77% of Georgians believe that Russia poses the biggest threat to their country, while only 2% of people in the country class themselves as pro-Russian.

A sign on the window of a cafe in Tbilisi, Georgia, that says you must denounce Putin as a war criminal before entering.
Natasha Lindstaedt, CC BY-NC-ND

There are Russian troops stationed just 25 miles from Tbilisi. And although 13 years have passed since Russia invaded Georgia having falsely accused the country of committing “genocide” in the Russian-backed republic of South Ossetia, it still occupies 20% of the country. There is a fear among Georgians that Russia is turning the country into a puppet state or, worse, that it might invade again.

And yet, Georgians are incredibly bold in their defiance of both their own government and Moscow. Pro-Ukrainian graffiti dots the capital, while signs on some restaurants and cafes warn customers that they must denounce Vladimir Putin as a war criminal before entering their establishments.

Read more:
Ukraine war: I’ve just returned from Georgia where they are angry about the conflict and fear an invasion

In fact, Georgians have a long and proud history of engaging in brave acts of rebellion. While still under Soviet rule, massive protests erupted in 1978 over Moscow’s insistence that the constitution be amended to put the Russian language on an equal footing with the Georgian language.

The Communist party dealt with similar protests in other Soviet republics with a heavy hand. But the demonstrations were a major victory for Georgians, ensuring that the sole recognised language remained Georgian.

In April 1989, Georgians also bravely took to Tbilisi’s Rustaveli Avenue to protest Soviet rule. The demonstrations were mostly peaceful and attracted thousands of people. But they were met with repression by the Soviet army, killing 21 people and injured hundreds more. The entire country went on strike in response, which was followed by 40 days of national mourning.

Undeterred, Georgians were finally successful in bringing an end to Soviet-era leadership in 2003. The non-violent revolution was led by long-time leader Eduard Shevardnadze’s former political ally, Mikheil Saakashvili, and various civil society groups who were fed up with corruption and economic decline.

The revolution brought Saakashvili to power, but a series of protests broke out during his tenure too. In 2007, people protested against alleged government corruption. Then, in 2008, protesters turned their ire to the Russian invasion, forming a human chain near South Ossetia. In 2009 and 2011, people gathered in Tbilisi calling for Saakashvili’s resignation. And in 2012, swells of students protested against prisoner abuse.

Since the end of Soviet rule, the Georgian government has routinely made concessions in response to protests. In 2019, Georgian parliament approved electoral reforms after months of protests over the government’s performance. And just last year, the government was forced to withdraw its attempt to pass its foreign agent law after massive demonstrations broke out.

Why is Georgia a hub of protest?

Over the past decade, there has been a rise in the number of protests around the world. Research has found that the frequency of mass political protests has increased by 11.5% on average each year between 2009 and 2019. Yet Georgia seems to be particularly prone to activism — something that distinguishes it from its neighbours in the Caucasus and Central Asia.

Protests are often spontaneous and may lack support from civil society. But civil society is critical to organisational success, coalition building and advocacy. To this point, civil society has always been more vibrant in Georgia compared to other post-Soviet states such as Azerbaijan, Uzbekistan and Belarus.

This is, in large part, due to the fact that Georgia benefited from weaker and less repressive leadership under Shevardnadze than these states. But Georgian civil society organisations and the media are also major recipients of western democracy assistance. In 2000, for example, the US Agency for International Development spent US$200 (£158) per person in Georgia on civil society and democracy building programmes compared to US$1.25 per person in Russia.

Protesters during a rally against a bill on ‘foreign agents’ in front of the Parliament building in Tbilisi, Georgia, May 14 2024.
David Mdzinarishvili / EPA

Civil society groups help unite people, and they have recruited people in Georgia to participate in protests. But people are also more likely to engage in protest when opportunities for resistance emerge. And as Georgia has endured a lot of change and chaos, there have been ample opportunities to resist.

In addition, research has demonstrated that polarisation increases protest behaviour and mobilisation. Notwithstanding anti-Russian sentiment, Georgia is highly polarised. The major divisions centre on cultural and geopolitical battles over its traditions and the country’s foreign outlook. The battle over same-sex marriage and other LGBTQ+ rights is a particularly contentious issue.

Given Georgia’s complex political landscape, and history of rebellion, these protests are unlikely to end any time soon. Läs mer…

Five of the seven states widely expected to be political battlegrounds in the 2024 presidential election have populations very much like that of the U.S. overall, in a range of demographic and socioeconomic measures.

For decades, the presidential selection season has begun with the Iowa caucuses and the New Hampshire primary. But in recent years, that practice has been criticized for giving lead-off status in a nationwide election to two of the smallest and least racially and ethnically diverse states.

Those two states kicked off the election process again in 2024, though the Democratic Party did not officially participate in the New Hampshire primary, which President Joe Biden won as a write-in candidate.

Instead, the first official primary set by Democrats was in South Carolina, a state more like the U.S. than New Hampshire, according to our analysis of U.S. Census Bureau data.

Our research has found that there are states even more like the U.S. as a whole – and in fact New Hampshire is one of those least like the country overall. Our work provides a look at which states have a significant political voice in an election season, which ones don’t, and which ones might be worth paying more attention to.

Examining population data

Using data from the 2022 American Community Survey, a nationwide questionnaire survey conducted by the Census Bureau, we compared each state to the nation as a whole based on five characteristics:

Racial and ethnic breakdown: the share of people who reported their race and ethnicity as Latino, non-Hispanic American Indian and Alaska Native, Asian, Black, Native Hawaiian and other Pacific Islander, white, some other race, or two or more races;

Age-gender distribution: the share of people identified as males or females in various age groups from 0 to over 85, noting that the Census Bureau only offers two options for gender identity;

Educational attainment: the share of people with grade school or high school education, some college, or a range of academic degrees;

Household income: the share of households reporting their income in various ranges from less than US$10,000 to $200,0000 or more;

Occupational distribution: the share of employed workers in various broad job sectors like farming, fishing and forestry; construction and extraction; or sales and related occupations.

For each characteristic, we used a statistical method called the dissimilarity index to determine how similar or dissimilar each state was from the country’s demographic and socioeconomic profile. A dissimilarity index score of zero would indicate that the state is exactly like the whole country. A score of 100 would indicate that it could not get any more different.

We ranked each state’s scores for each characteristic and then averaged those rankings to list the states in an overall order from most similar to most dissimilar.

Finding the similarities

It turns out that in 2022, Illinois was the state most like the entire country. Illinois resembled the nation more than any other state in its race-ethnicity breakdown, age-gender distribution and household income distribution. It was second-most like the country in terms of educational distribution, and fourth-closest in occupational distribution.

This was personally interesting to us because in the summer of 2009, one of us, Rogelio Sáenz, drove through Illinois, and was reminded by a road sign of the old rhetorical question, “Will it play in Peoria?” As far back as the 1880s, theater producers and others considered the Illinois city of Peoria a microcosm of the nation. In politics, the phrase was adopted to evoke “an ideal place to take the ‘pulse of the nation’ on political campaigns and proposed legislation,” as Peoria Magazine wrote in 2009.

Sáenz wondered back then whether the saying was based on any connection to reality. And it turns out that it is, at least if you look at the state Peoria is in: The population of Illinois is very like the population of the U.S. as a whole.

The city of Peoria, Ill., is in a state more like the whole U.S. than any other.
ghornephoto/Stock / Getty Images Plus

Five swing states among those most similar to the US

In general, swing or battleground states are those that have similar proportions of Democratic and Republican voters and enough people to have significant clout in the Electoral College. In 2024, there are seven of them.

Of particular notice is that five of the 10 states most similar to the U.S. are swing states for 2024. Illinois is not a swing state, but the next three are: North Carolina, Georgia and Arizona. And their fellow swing states Michigan and Pennsylvania are seventh and eighth, respectively. The remaining two at the top of the list are Oregon and Kansas. The two swing states not in the top 10 are Nevada and Wisconsin.

Taken together, the seven swing states have slightly more than one-third of the electoral votes needed to win the presidency. Because these states play a pivotal role in the election of the president, they are key focuses of campaign advertising and outreach, as well as candidate appearances.

Our analysis sheds light on the role demographic and socioeconomic characteristics have in determining which states are swing states. For instance, the five swing states that are among those most like the U.S. tend to have more racial and ethnic diversity than other states. They also include states that are very like the U.S. in terms of occupational, educational, age-gender and income data.

States less like the US

Our analysis also reveals how unlike the U.S. New Hampshire is. It’s 45th in the list.

South Carolina and Iowa, two other states with early roles in the presidential process, are 20th and 28th, respectively. But the two other swing states are nearby: Wisconsin and Nevada are ranked 23rd and 29th, respectively.

Very populous states such as California, Texas, Florida and New York are also different from the country as a whole, though the ways they vary differ. For example, California is similar to the U.S. on occupational distribution but much different on race and ethnicity. Texas is quite similar to the U.S. along socioeconomic lines but very different demographically. Florida resembles the U.S. with respect to race and ethnicity, education, and income but differs appreciably in age-gender composition and occupation. New York resembles the nation with respect to race and ethnicity but differs substantially on occupations.

A new perspective

The findings can help people think about the different types of diversity in the U.S. population of 336 million people.

And perhaps it can be used to influence future choices of which states become the homes of early presidential primaries and caucuses.

For instance, Illinois could make a compelling case for being the opening act in future presidential primary elections because it is a miniature of the nation as a whole. Over the course of 51 presidential elections, Illinois voters have cast ballots in favor of Democrats 25 times and Republicans 24 times, with splits in two more elections – and have picked the winning candidate 42 of those 51 times. Läs mer…

Recent reports that the H5N1 avian flu virus has been found in cow’s milk have raised questions about whether the U.S. milk supply is safe to drink. According to the federal Food and Drug Administration, the answer is yes, as long as the milk is pasteurized.

Nonetheless, raw (unpasteurized) milk sales are up, despite health experts’ warning that raw milk could contain high levels of the virus, along with many other pathogens.

As an extension food scientist in a state where raw milk sales are legal, I provide technical support to help processors produce high-quality, safe dairy foods. I also like to help people understand the confusing world of pasteurization methods on their milk labels, and why experts strongly discourage consuming raw milk and products made from it.

What can make milk unsafe

Dairy products, like many foods, have inherent risks that can cause a variety of illnesses and even death. Our milk comes from animals that graze outdoors and live in barns. Milk is picked up from the farm in tanker trucks and delivered to the processing plant. These environments offer numerous opportunities for contamination by pathogens that cause illness and organisms that make food spoil.

For example, listeria monocytogenes comes from environmental sources like soil and water. Mild infections with listeriosis cause flu-like symptoms. More serious cases are, unfortunately, too common and can cause miscarriages in pregnant women and even death in extreme cases.

Other pathogens commonly associated with dairy animals and raw milk include E. coli, which can cause severe gastrointestinal infections and may lead to kidney damage; Campylobacter, the most common cause of diarrheal illness in the U.S.; and Salmonella, which cause abdominal pain, diarrhea and other symptoms.

Washington State University students explain the process of milking cows in their school’s herd and pasteurizing the milk at the university creamery.

Keeping beverages safe with heat

In the 1860s, French microbiologist Louis Pasteur discovered that heating wine and beer killed the organisms that caused spoilage, which then was a significant problem in France.

This heating process, which became known as pasteurization, was adopted in the U.S. prior to World War II, at a time when milk was responsible for 25% of all U.S. outbreaks of foodborne illnesses. In 1973, the federal government required that all milk sold across state lines in the U.S. had to be pasteurized, and in 1987, it banned interstate sales of raw milk.

Pasteurization heats every particle of a food to a specific temperature for a continuous length of time in order to kill the most heat-resistant pathogen associated with that product. Different organisms have different responses to heat, so controlled scientific studies are required to determine what length of time at a given temperature will kill a specific organism.

Since 1924, pasteurization in the U.S. has been guided by the Grade “A” Pasteurized Milk Ordinance, a federal guidance document that is updated every two years to reflect current science and has been adopted by all 50 states. Pasteurization equipment in the U.S. must meet stringent requirements that include sanitary design, safety controls and material standards.

A farmer unloads milk cans for processing at a cooperative creamery in East Berkshire, Vt., on Jan. 1, 1941.
Jack Delano, FSA/Library of Congress

Pasteurization methods

Dairy processors can choose among several different types of pasteurization. When executed properly, all of these methods produce the same result: pathogen-free milk. Processors may treat milk beyond minimum times or temperatures to provide an extra margin of safety, or to reduce bacteria that can cause milk to spoil, thus increasing the product’s shelf life.

Vat pasteurizers, also known as batch pasteurizers, often are used by smaller-scale processors who handle limited volumes. The milk is pumped into a temperature-controlled tank with a stirrer, heated to a minimum of 145 degrees Fahrenheit (63 Celsius) and held there continuously for 30 minutes. Then it is cooled and pumped out of the vat.

The most common method used for commercial milk is high-temperature short-time pasteurization, which can treat large volumes of milk. The milk is pumped through a series of thin plates at high speed to reach a minimum temperature of 161 F (71 C). Then it travels through a holding tube for 15 seconds, and the temperature is checked automatically for safety and cooled.

The most complex and expensive systems are ultra-pasteurizers and ultra-high-temperature pasteurizers, which pasteurize milk in just a few seconds at temperatures above 285 F (140 C). This approach destroys many spoilage organisms, giving the milk a significantly longer shelf life than with other methods, although sometimes products made this way have more of a “cooked” flavor.

Ultra-high-temperature products are processed in a sterile environment and packaged in sterile packaging, such as lined cartons and pouches. They can be shelf-stable for up to a year before they are opened. Ultra-high-temperature packaging makes taking milk to school for lunch safe for kids every day.

Avian flu in milk

The detection of avian flu virus fragments in milk is a new challenge for the dairy industry. Scientists do not have a full picture of the risks to humans but are learning.

Health experts are warning against consuming raw milk during the H5N1 avian flu outbreak.

Research so far has shown that virus particles end up in the milk of infected cows, but that pasteurization will inactivate the virus. However, the FDA is advising consumers not to drink raw milk because there is limited information about whether it may transmit avian flu.

The agency also is urging producers not to manufacture or sell raw milk or raw milk products, including cheese, made with milk from cows showing symptoms of illness.

It’s never a good time to get a foodborne illness, and this is the beginning of ice cream season. At a time when avian flu is showing up in new species and scientists are still learning about how it is transmitted, I agree with the FDA that raw milk poses risks not worth taking. Läs mer…

In June 2019, then-presidential candidate Joe Biden tweeted: “Trump doesn’t get the basics. He thinks his tariffs are being paid by China. Any freshman econ student could tell you that the American people are paying his tariffs.”

Fast-forward five years to May 2024, and President Biden has announced a hike in tariffs on a variety of Chinese imports, including a 100% tariff that would significantly increase the price of Chinese-made electric vehicles.

For a nation committed to reducing greenhouse gas emissions, efforts by the U.S. to block low-cost EVs might seem counterproductive. At a price of around US$12,000, Chinese automaker BYD’s Seagull electric car could quickly expand EV sales if it landed at that price in the U.S., where the cheapest new electric cars cost nearly three times more.

As an expert in global supply chains, however, I believe the Biden tariffs can succeed in giving the U.S. EV industry room to grow. Without the tariffs, U.S. auto sales risk being undercut by Chinese companies, which have much lower production costs due to their manufacturing methods, looser environmental and safety standards, cheaper labor and more generous government EV subsidies.

Tariffs have a troubled history

The U.S. has a long history of tariffs that have failed to achieve their economic goals.

The Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act of 1930 was meant to protect American jobs by raising tariffs on imported goods. But it backfired by prompting other countries to raise their tariffs, which led to a drop in international trade and deepened the Great Depression.

President Joe Biden talks about tariffs at the United Steelworkers headquarters in Pittsburgh on April 17, 2024.
Kyle Mazza/Anadolu via Getty Images

President George W. Bush’s 2002 steel tariffs also led to higher steel prices, which hurt industries that use steel and cost American manufacturing an estimated 200,000 jobs. The tariffs were lifted after the World Trade Organization ruled against them.

The Obama administration’s tariffs on Chinese-made solar panels in 2012 blocked direct imports but failed to foster a domestic solar panel industry. Today, the U.S. relies heavily on imports from companies operating in Southeast Asia – primarily Cambodia, Malaysia, Thailand and Vietnam. Many of those companies are linked to China.

Why EV tariffs are different this time

Biden’s EV tariffs, however, might defy historical precedent and succeed where the solar tariff failed, for a few key reasons:

1. Timing matters.

When Obama imposed tariffs on solar panels in 2012, nearly half of U.S. installations were already using Chinese-manufactured panels. In contrast, Chinese-made EVs, including models sold in the U.S. by Volvo and Polestar, have negligible U.S. market shares.

Because the U.S. market is not dependent on Chinese-made EVs, the tariffs can be implemented without significant disruption or price increases, giving the domestic industry time to grow and compete more effectively.

By imposing tariffs early, the Biden administration hopes to prevent the U.S. market from becoming saturated with low-price Chinese EVs, which could undercut domestic manufacturers and stifle innovation.

2. Global supply chains are not the same today.

The COVID-19 pandemic exposed vulnerabilities in global supply chains, such as the risk of disruptions in the availability of critical components and delays in production and shipping. These issues prompted many countries, including the U.S., to reevaluate their dependence on foreign manufacturers for critical goods and to shift toward reshoring – bringing manufacturing back to the U.S. – and strengthening domestic supply chains.

The war in Ukraine has further intensified the separation between U.S.-led and China-led economic orders, a phenomenon I call the “Supply Chain Iron Curtain.”

In a recent McKinsey survey, 67% of executives cited geopolitical risk as the greatest threat to global growth. In this context, EVs and their components, particularly batteries, are key products identified in Biden’s supply chain reviews as critical to the nation’s supply chain resilience.

Ensuring a stable and secure supply of these components through domestic manufacturing can mitigate the risks associated with global supply chain disruptions and geopolitical tensions.

3. National security concerns are higher.

Unlike solar panels, EVs have direct national security implications. The Biden administration considers Chinese-made EVs a potential cybersecurity threat due to the possibility of embedded software that could be used for surveillance or cyberattacks.

U.S. Commerce Secretary Gina Raimondo has discussed espionage risks involving the potential for foreign-made EVs to collect sensitive data and transmit it outside the U.S. Officials have raised concerns about the resilience of an EV supply chain dependent on other countries in the event of a geopolitical conflict.

BYD targets EV sales in Mexico

While Biden’s EV tariffs might succeed in keeping Chinese competition out for a while, Chinese EV manufacturers could try to circumvent the tariffs by moving production to countries such as Mexico.

This scenario is similar to past tactics used by Chinese solar panel manufacturers, which relocated production to other Asian countries to avoid U.S. tariffs.

Chinese automaker BYD, the world leader in EV sales, is already exploring establishing a factory in Mexico to produce its new electric truck. Nearly 10% of cars sold in Mexico in 2023 were produced by Chinese automakers.

Visitors check out a BYD ATTO 3 at the Munich auto show in 2023.
AP Photo/Matthias Schrader

Given the changing geopolitical reality, Biden’s 100% EV tariffs are likely the beginning of a broader strategy rather than an isolated measure. U.S. Trade Representative Katherine Tai hinted at this during a recent press conference, stating that addressing vehicles made in Mexico would require “a separate pathway” and to “stay tuned” for future actions.

Is Europe next?

For now, given the near absence of Chinese-made EVs in the U.S. auto market, Biden’s EV tariffs are unlikely to have a noticeable short-term impact in the U.S. They could, however, affect decisions in Europe.

The European Union saw Chinese EV imports more than double over a seven-month period in 2023, undercutting European vehicles by offering lower prices. Manufacturers are concerned. When finance ministers from the Group of Seven advanced democracies meet in late May, tariffs will be on the agenda.

Biden’s move might encourage similar protective actions elsewhere, reinforcing the global shift toward securing supply chains and promoting domestic manufacturing. Läs mer…

The world’s largest election is currently under way in India, with more than 960 million people registered to vote over a period of six weeks. Spearheading the campaign for his Bharatiya Janata Party, incumbent Prime Minister Narendra Modi is spending that time crisscrossing the country, delivering a message he hopes will result in a landslide victory for the Hindu nationalist party.

He is a popular figure but also a divisive one. Modi’s speeches are drawing heat for their anti-Muslim rhetoric. At a campaign rally on April 21, 2024, he referred to Muslims as “infiltrators.”

He later doubled down on these remarks, suggesting that if India’s largest opposition party, the Indian National Congress, came to power, the wealth of Hindus would be snatched and given to communities that “have too many children,” a seemingly lightly veiled reference to Indian Muslims.

Such language represents a fear that Modi and the BJP have stoked many times before: that Muslims will become a numerical threat to India’s Hindu-majority population.

Modi has since claimed that he did not explicitly target Muslims in his speech, but his words – widely recorded and disseminated – have certainly been taken that way.

To some onlookers, the rhetoric is an indication that not all is well in the BJP campaign as it seeks to secure a two-thirds supermajority in Parliament. By appealing to the party’s Hindu base, the argument goes, Modi is trying to counter voter apathy in the face of high youth unemployment and rising economic inequality.

As a historian of public health in India, I believe it is important to shed light on the specific origins of anti-Muslim rhetoric and how it fits long-standing fears of Muslim population growth and the erosion of the Hindu majority in India.

Fears of a Muslim takeover

Demographic fears in India are tied to political and administrative representation and have been since the days of British colonialism.

In 1919, the British granted Indians limited franchise; Indian legislators were allowed to create policy in certain fields, such as health care and education, but not on law and order.

After the 1931 census, Indian leaders – mostly Hindus, but also some Muslims – and British officials began to express concern about the seemingly rapid rate of population growth in India, which at the time was increasing by over 1% annually.

These leaders, in common with similar efforts around the globe, began to push new birth control methods toward Indian women.

But to successfully induce large numbers of women to embrace family planning practices, colonial officials and Indian administrators had to contend with the fact that Indians of all religions were suspicious of birth control propaganda.

These suspicions stemmed from cultural practices shared by both Hindu and Muslim communities that informed women’s status in society, including child marriage, the seclusion of women and polygamy.

Policies that tried to interfere with the traditional lives of Indian women, including birth control, were widely considered harmful instances of colonial control.

Role of British colonizers

While the British used these cultural practices and suspicions to suggest that all Indians were responsible for rapid population growth and associated poverty and hunger, Hindu nationalist groups created a different narrative. These fringe groups, which emerged as a political force in the 1930s, popularized the idea that practices encouraging population growth were particularly prevalent among the Muslim population.

At the same time, there were growing tensions between the Indian National Congress party and the Muslim League, which was founded in 1906 but began to demand a separate homeland for Indian Muslims in the late 1930s.

Divisions existed in Indian society prior to British rule. By classifying Indians into categories based on caste and religion, however, British colonial rulers made these identities and divisions more rigid, pitting various communities against one another.

Communal tensions allowed the British to uphold the idea that without the control and surveillance of colonial rule, Indians were incapable of self-government and liberal democracy.

Though the British left the new nation-states of India and Pakistan in 1947, increasing Hindu-Muslim tensions after partition continued to inform family planning propaganda in independent India.

Hindu nationalists had expected the creation of a single nation with Hindu majority rule. As such, they saw the creation of Pakistan – a homeland and nation-state for South Asian Muslims – as a massive failure of the Indian freedom movement and a loss for India.

Additionally, post-partition leadership and administrators in India were for the most part drawn from Hindu men and some women, since the majority of educated and elite Muslim classes ended up in Pakistan.

As a result, colonial-era perceptions of Muslims continued to inform the way Indian policymakers and administrators created and implemented health care and education policy. In particular, preexisting perceptions of Muslim hyperfertility in Indian policymakers’ minds became more deeply entrenched with partition.

Population control programs

As India launched its first major population control program in 1951, administrators at all levels of governance assumed that uptake of birth control would be lower in Muslim communities than Hindu communities.

In actuality, the factors that influenced the rate of uptake of IUDs, oral contraceptives and tubectomies in postindependence India were governed more by geography – whether women lived in rural or urban areas, and were from the country’s north or south – and class status.

Since 1951, population control has been one of the major goals of Indian policymaking as part of a program to reduce poverty and improve public health. But the continued assumption that Indian Muslims are unwilling to participate in population control practices has led to the public perception of Islam as “superstitious” or “backward.”

Research has shown that Indian Muslim communities across the nation have felt the effects of this stereotyping, especially in northern India. Muslims reported being disproportionately targeted by population control initiatives. These concerns among the Muslim community intensified with the aggressive forced sterilization program carried out by the Indian state under Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in the 1970s.

Using religion for politics

Modi’s party, the BJP, was formed in 1980 but failed to win significant elections until the 1990s.

Several people on top of the 16th century Babri Mosque five hours before the structure was completely demolished in December 1992.
Douglas E. Curran/AFP via Getty Images

The main focus of their organizing in the 1980s and 1990s was to demand the demolition of a mosque commissioned by Mughal emperor Babur in Ayodhya, traditionally regarded as the birthplace of Hindu deity Rama.

In tandem with this campaign, the BJP promoted fears of Muslim demographic dominance in India, tying demands for “taking back” the land on which the Babri Masjid was built with fears of a Muslim majority.

But such fears are unfounded. Despite the Muslim minority growing from 11% in the mid-1980s to 14% today, their representation in Parliament has actually declined, from 9% in the mid-1980s to 5% today.

Since the BJP came to power in India in 2014, party leaders have relied on the historic fears of imagined Muslim population growth to help them win successive elections at the state and national level and pass legislation such as the Citizenship Amendment Act, which discriminates against Muslims. BJP leaders have accused Muslim men of forcibly converting Hindu women to Islam through “love jihad,” a conspiracy theory that Muslim men deceptively seduce Hindu women to increase their demographic strength.

Modi’s latest statement referring to “those who have too many children” is the latest iteration of a long history of Hindu demographic fears – and has proven to be a lasting one. Läs mer…

Bat populations in Colorado may be headed for a decline that could cause ecological disruptions across the state.

Two bats discovered in Boulder County in late February 2024 were confirmed to have white-nose syndrome, a deadly fungal disease. Additional bats in Larimer County also tested positive for white-nose syndrome early this spring.

The first North American bats with white fungus on their faces, ears and wings were discovered in 2006 in caves where they hibernated near Albany, New York. The fungus causes bats to lose nutrients and moisture through their skin and to wake early from hibernation in search of food and water.

The disease spread west quickly, reaching Washington state in 2015 and California four years later. It was confirmed in Montana and New Mexico by 2021. Evidence of the fungus was first reported in Colorado in the summer of 2022.

I’m a bat biologist, and most of my research has focused on the genetics of Myotis bats. Knowing which bat populations are genetically unique and where they’re found will help researchers understand how white-nose syndrome will affect them and how it moves among geographic areas.

What is white-nose syndrome?

White-nose syndrome is the result of infection by a fungus, Pseudogymnoascus destructans.

Most fungi thrive in warm, moist conditions, but Pseudogymnoascus destructans is a “cold-loving” fungus. This trait makes it well adapted to grow on bats when their body temperatures are lowered during hibernation and their immune systems are suppressed.

Bats infected with Pseudogymnoascus destructans lose nutrients and fat reserves critical to surviving winter hibernation as the fungus grows into their skin. One of the earliest signs of white-nose syndrome is when bats awake early from hibernation in search of food. The fungus also affects other metabolic factors, such as electrolyte levels.

After the discovery of Pseudogymnoascus destructans in North America, scientists searched for the fungus around the globe and found it in European and Asian caves, where they believe it is native. Bats in those areas don’t seem to be negatively affected by the fungus, likely because they co-evolved with the fungus and developed some immunity.

Pseudogymnoascus destructans was probably brought to the U.S. by travelers who explored caves in Europe and returned with contaminated equipment.

Myotis species could face declines

Among the species most affected by white-nose syndrome are members of the diverse group of Myotis bats that I study. The majority of North American Myotis bats are found in Western states, including Colorado.

Sixteen of North America’s 45 bat species are Myotis bats. Of those 16, 11 live only in Western North America and seven live in Colorado.

All of those Myotis bats could face massive population declines if exposed to white-nose syndrome.

Some North American bat species have lost more than 90% of their population to white-nose syndrome since 2006, including two found in Colorado:

Little brown bats, Myotis lucifugus, which are being considered by the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service for listing as endangered but are not listed yet.
Tricolored bats, Perimyotis subflavus, which are proposed as endangered, a status which indicates that the species is in danger of extinction and is awaiting a final determination to be on the endangered species list.

Colorado testing for white-nose syndrome

Colorado Parks and Wildlife has been testing for Pseudogymnoascus destructans since 2019.

In the summer of 2022, 25 bats at Bent’s Old Fort National Historic Site in Otero County were tested. Only one, a Yuma bat (Myotis yumanensis) was positive for the fungus, though it showed no signs of disease.

A year later, in July 2023, a second Yuma bat at Bent’s Old Fort had signs of the fungus on its wings and was euthanized by the National Park Service. It was the first bat in Colorado confirmed with the disease.

A long-eared bat in Illinois is swabbed to test for white-nose syndrome.
Steve Taylor/University of Illinois/U.S. Fish and Wildlife, CC BY

Preventing further spread

Since the disease is highly infectious in Eastern bats, finding even one Colorado bat with white-nose syndrome rings alarm bells. But biologists know little about population structure, hibernation sites and hibernation behaviors of most Western Myotis species. This is a major barrier to understanding the potential impact of white-nose syndrome on bats in Colorado.

Researchers think Western Myotis bats might hibernate at smaller sites, unlike many Eastern bats that hibernate in large mines and dams. This behavior might mitigate the impact of the disease in the West, since groups that hibernate together may be smaller, resulting in limited opportunities for disease spread.

Researchers also lack information on the genetic structure of Western populations of Myotis bats, which is a critically important aspect of management and conservation strategies.

Genetic research I published with a group of colleagues shows strong evidence that biologists are underestimating the number of Western Myotis species because of a phenomenon called “cryptic,” or hidden, species. This research suggests there are Myotis bats that are similar in size and shape but genetically different. Since most species are identified by morphological characteristics, the number of species recognized by science is likely too low.

For instance, little brown bats are currently considered a single species, though research has found five independent lineages within this species.

The cryptic species most affected by white-nose syndrome in the East is Myotis lucifugus lucifugus.

Two of these cryptic species – M. l. lucifugus and M. l. carissima – live along the Front Range in Wyoming and Colorado, so it is possible that bat-to-bat contact between them is happening there and spreading the disease.

Researchers administer the white-nose syndrome vaccine to a bat during a field trial.
Public Domain

What’s next for bats in Colorado?

Biologist John Demboski at the Denver Museum of Nature & Science and I are teaming up to analyze genetic samples from across Colorado. We will analyze tissues from sick bats in Boulder and Larimer counties along with a large genetic dataset of Myotis bats from across the state.

The results of our DNA analyses will help predict how white-nose syndrome may spread through Colorado bat populations and where to target efforts to protect them. Specifically, the results will clarify where the two cryptic species occur in the state and, therefore, where disease transmission could be occurring.

A few promising developments:

The U.S. Geological Survey recently developed a vaccine against white-nose syndrome and is currently assessing its efficacy. Its promise is currently limited, however, because using the vaccine requires all bats to be captured and given an oral dose of the medication, a nearly impossible task for wild-ranging, nocturnal animal populations.

Some preliminary studies on Eastern populations of little brown bats suggest that they may be building a resistance to the fungus. A small number survive.

Even if bats do recover, rebuilding populations will take a long time. Most female bats produce just one offspring per year over their life spans, which can range from 10 to more than 30 years. And most bat populations face other threats to survival, such as habitat destruction, threats to prey populations and persecution. Läs mer…

The journalism industry has been under immense economic pressure over the past two decades, so it makes sense that journalists have started experimenting with generative AI to boost their productivity.

An Associated Press survey published in April 2024 asked journalists about the use of generative artificial intelligence in their work. Nearly 70% of those who responded said they had used these tools to generate text, whether it was composing article drafts, crafting headlines or writing social media posts.

A May 2024 global survey conducted by the public relations firm Cision found the slice to be somewhat smaller – 47% of journalists said they’d used generative AI tools like ChatGPT or Bard in their work.

But does the adoption of the technology pose any moral questions? After all, this is a business where professional ethics and public trust are especially important – so much so that there are fields of study devoted to it.

Over the past few years, my colleagues and I at UMass Boston’s Applied Ethics Center have been researching the ethics of AI.

I think that if journalists are not careful about its deployment, the use of generative AI could undermine the integrity of their work.

How much time is really saved?

Let’s start with an obvious concern: AI tools are still unreliable.

Using them to research background for a story will often result in confident-sounding nonsense. During a 2023 demo, Google’s chatbot, Bard, famously spit out the wrong answer to a question about new discoveries from the James Webb Space Telescope.

It’s easy to imagine a journalist using the technology for background, only to end up with false information.

Therefore, journalists who use these tools for research will need to fact-check the outputs. The time spent doing that may offset any purported gains in productivity.

But to me, the more interesting questions have to do with using the technology to generate content. A reporter may have a good sense of what they want to compose, so they will ask an AI model to produce a first draft.

This may be efficient, but it also turns reporters from writers into editors, thus fundamentally altering the nature of what they do.

Plus, there’s something to be said for struggling to write a first draft from scratch and figuring out, along the way, whether the original idea that inspired it has merit. That’s what I am doing right now as I write this piece. And I’m sad to report that I discarded quite a few of the original arguments I wanted to make, because as I tried to articulate them, I realized that they didn’t work.

In journalism, as in art, generative AI emphasizes – indeed fetishizes – the moment in which an idea is conceived. It focuses on the original creative thought and relegates the tedious process of turning that thought into a finished product – whether it’s through outlining, writing or drawing – to a machine.

But the process of writing out a story is inseparable from the ideas that give rise to it. Ideas change and take shape as they are written out. They are not preexisting entities patiently floating around, perfectly formed, simply waiting to be translated into words and sentences.

AI’s undermining of a special relationship

To be fair, only a portion of the journalists in both surveys were using generative AI to compose drafts of articles. Instead, they were using these tools to accomplish other tasks, such as writing newsletters, translating text, coming up with headlines or crafting social media posts.

Once journalists see that the AI is quite talented at writing – and it is getting better and better at it – how many of them will resist the temptation?

The fundamental question here is whether journalism involves anything more than simply conveying information to the public.

Does journalism also entail a kind of relationship between writers and their readers?

I think it does.

When a reader regularly follows the analysis of someone writing about the Middle East or about Silicon Valley, it is because they trust that writer, because they like that writer’s voice, because they have come to appreciate that writer’s thought process.

Now if journalism involves that kind of relationship, does the use of AI undermine it? Would I want to read journalism created by what amounts to an anonymized aggregation of the internet any more than I would want to read a novel created by an AI or listen to music composed by one?

Or, stated differently, if I read a piece of journalism or a novel or listened to a musical piece, which I thought was created by a human being, only to find out that it was largely generated by an AI, wouldn’t my appreciation or trust of the piece change?

If the practice of journalism is based on having this kind of relationship with the public, the increased use of AI may well undermine the integrity of the practice, particularly at a time when the industry is already dealing with trust issues.

Being a journalist is a noble calling that, at its best, helps sustain democratic institutions. I assume that this nobility still matters to journalists. But most readers probably would not trust AI to uphold the social role that journalism plays.

AI does not care that “democracy dies in darkness”; it does not care about speaking truth to power.

Yes, those are cliches. But they are also widely held precepts that sustain the trade. Journalists neglect them at their peril. Läs mer…

The 2024 commencement season has been one of the most contentious in recent memory. Amid pro-Palestinian protests at campuses nationwide over the war in the Gaza Strip, some universities – such as Columbia University and the University of Southern California – have canceled their commencement ceremonies. Others, such as Duke University, have drawn sharp rebukes and condemnations from students due to their university’s choice of a commencement speaker. Still others, such as Xavier University of Louisiana, have rescinded invitations to commencement speakers deemed too controversial.

To gain insight into the challenges that colleges face in choosing a commencement speaker, The Conversation reached out to Walter M. Kimbrough, a longtime college president who currently holds an executive appointment at University of Southern California. His thoughts are reflected in the following Q&A.

How are commencement speakers typically selected?

There are a range of ways schools select commencement speakers. For some campuses there is a university-wide committee which will make a selection for the president to approve. Some campuses survey students to get recommendations for the speaker. On many campuses the president – and maybe a group of advisers – will select the speaker. In all cases, the president will have some say in the selection.

Who gets to have the most say, and why?

Ultimately the president will have the final say in the selection, especially if a
speaker has the potential to be controversial. If there is an issue with what a speaker says or does, the president will ultimately have to answer for the selection.

What are the most important characteristics or qualities to consider?

There are a range of philosophies that inform commencement speaker selection. Some institutions use it as an opportunity to highlight successful alumni, generally with the hopes of that alumnus becoming a major donor to the institution.

Politicians, both local and national, are often selected as speakers. Many see this as a goodwill gesture for a politician that represents the institution and who might have influence in helping the institution acquire resources.

Institutions with significant budgets for commencement, or great contacts, will select a celebrity for commencement. The theory there is that commencement is the largest branding event for a college or university each year. A celebrity boosts visibility with the potential for national media coverage, both print and digital. It is always a coup for an institution’s speaker to be part of the annual NBC Nightly News graduation recap.

The author, then-Dillard University President Walter Kimbrough, stands alongside the school’s 2015 commencement speaker, actor Denzel Washington.
Josh Brasted via Getty Images

What makes a commencement speech successful?

I believe commencement should be fun. A speaker that can connect with the audience, or one that brings excitement, leads to a successful speech. This is done most easily with a very popular commencement speaker. For example, while president of Dillard University – a small, historically Black, private liberal arts college located in New Orleans – we were able to host celebrities such as Michelle Obama, Denzel Washington, Janelle Monae, Chance the Rapper, Regina Hall and Michael Ealy.

From the time of the announcement until the speaker’s actual appearance, not only the graduates but their families and the broader community become more excited about the event. The actual speech should be short, no more than 15 minutes, because their presence alone makes graduates feel extra special on this day.

Why do so many commencement speaker selections backfire?

Most commencement speeches go off without any issues, generally because the speaker is someone unknown to the audience and there is little interest in their message. Campuses generally select someone who will be safe and noncontroversial.

When there is a backfire, it is generally because the speaker says something that appears to be out of character or not consistent with previous comments. In recent years, with a contentious political climate, politicians and other government officials pose a greater risk for commencement.

This might look like the recent actions of Virginia Commonwealth University graduates who walked out on state Governor Glenn Youngkin as he gave the commencement speech, or a more contentious protest like the one at Bethune-Cookman University when former Education Secretary Betsy DeVos was the speaker. Not only did some students walk out, others turned their backs on her, and many in the audience booed her throughout the presentation. When the then-president intervened and threatened to mail students their diplomas, he too was booed.

And sometimes what normally is a good idea happens at the wrong time. Morehouse College requested President Joe Biden as their 2024 commencement speaker early last fall. Then Oct. 7 changed everything, leading to months of protests on college campuses as Israel has maintained its attack on Hamas, with tens of thousands of Palestinians being wounded or killed. While Biden would not have been the most exciting speaker for the students, as there are some concerns about promises made to Black communities being left unfulfilled, the event would have probably been controversy-free. That’s how it was when Biden spoke at Howard University in 2023 or in 2021 at South Carolina State University.

Push the envelope or play it safe?

Today, more presidents are risk-averse due to the political climate and the myriad stressors they currently face. Creating a potential conflict with a risky graduation speaker, for most, is not worth it. So they play it safe, and boring.

As a college president, I always tried to find people we have never heard before on that kind of platform. That is a risk, but every time, the audience was pleasantly surprised. When we hosted actor Michael Ealy, he gave one of the most thought-provoking commencements addresses we had ever had, causing many faculty members to remark that he may have been the best during my tenure – including Denzel Washington’s speech, which went viral.

Actor Michael Ealy delivers the commencement address at Dillard University in 2021.

For me, it isn’t so much about playing it safe. Commencement is a celebration and should be fun. A fun and exciting commencement speaker is an important part of that equation.

Is an unpopular pick necessarily the wrong pick?

There is always a chance an unpopular pick for commencement speaker delivers a pleasant surprise. So that isn’t necessarily the wrong pick. But someone involved in current or past controversies will always be the wrong pick and will increase chances of criticism of the institution and dampening the mood for the occasion. Knowing a speaker may lead students to walk out or cause protests means you might have the wrong pick for that time. Läs mer…