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Despite social change, LGBTQI+ people still face discrimination at school and in the community.

Language for diverse genders and sexualities is continually changing. LGBTQI+ allyship is part of this change. But what is allyship?

Allyship refers to people outside of a group – say, straight people – who actively support and work with people inside a group – say, LGBTQI+ people.

It can also mean people from different groups working together to support each other’s goals. A key example of this was at the Stonewall riots in 1969, when lesbians, gay men and transgender people joined with Black Panthers and civil rights activists in New York City to protest against police brutality.

But defining allyship can be challenging. Some people disagree about who an ally is. Others disagree about what an ally does.

What is an ally?

The term “ally” first appeared in US universities among students in the early 1990s. It was used to describe how majority group members (straight students) helped minorities (gay, lesbian and bisexual students), by advocating to end sexuality-based oppression in higher education.

For many years, scholars have seen straight allyship for lesbian, gay and bisexual people as helpful for activism. Straight allies have played important roles in policy and in combating prejudice on high school and university campuses.

Research has shown university and high school gay–straight alliances have contributed to more positive campus environments and a reduction in gender- and sexuality-based discrimination.

Gay-straight alliances contribute to more positive campus environments.
Shutterstock

Over many years, gay–straight teacher alliances have successfully used inquiry groups to combat homophobia and explore intersectionality (the way different facets of someone’s identity intersect) within their schools. These groups highlighted LGBTQI-themed literature in English class, and encouraged teachers to be outspoken in their support by attending community events, such as pride parades.

But allyship can be exclusionary. While early perspectives of allyship focused on helping gay or lesbian university students, transgender or non-binary folk were often ignored.

There is also contention about how much “work” a straight ally has to do to earn recognition. Some people say that for someone to be called an ally they need to actively work for change, not just say they support others.

As allies, we are continually learning. And sometimes we get it wrong. When we make mistakes, it’s important to apologise and continue supporting those we wish to serve.

Allyship from within the community

Many current definitions of allyship only encompass allies outside of the group they are supporting. But a broadened definition of allyship would be useful.

LGBTQI+ people, especially with leadership roles, can be strong allies in their communities. Laverne Cox uses her stardom to advocate for her community of transgender women of colour and other LGBTQI+ people. Georgie Stone made medical processes easier for transgender children in Australia.

Because identities can shift, identifying who sits inside and outside LGBTQA+ communities can be challenging. Sometimes, there are clear social group insiders. Sometimes, there are clear outsiders. Other times, things are less clear. A person might hover inside and outside minority groups. They may not identify as straight, but they may not live publicly as LGBTQI+. Or a bisexual person may live in a straight relationship for many years.

This means allyship is also dynamic. It shifts depending on power, privilege and life experiences. For example, in one social context, a white, heterosexual woman may have power as a LGBTQI+ ally. But in a professional setting where the majority of attendees are white heterosexual men, this same woman may not be as powerful.

An intersectional process

Allyship needs to understand that many people’s gender and sexuality interact with language fluency, class, geography, race, age and disability.

This means that despite victories such as marriage equality, LGBTQI+ people who are homeless, transgender or people of colour may face significant barriers in society. For example, as of May 2024, 550 anti-trans bills have been introduced in US legislatures.

Because of discrimination, racism and a silencing around Black queer history, LGBTQA+ Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people can receive inappropriate services, for example, in healthcare and education.

Understanding the multiple identities of LGBTQI+ people will support strong allyship to reduce negative health outcomes for Aboriginal communities.

What’s next for allyship?

Recent Canadian work has grouped researchers, school boards and teacher federations to make ally resources for supporting trans and gender-diverse students in Ontario.

This tool kit includes modules for having conversations about gender identity and teaching about transgender policy. The final module introduces action plans for supporting transgender students through whole school approaches.

History has shown coming together can lead to social transformation and better outcomes for marginalised groups. In 2016, US President Barack Obama designated the Stonewall Inn a national US monument to celebrate gay history.

The Stonewall Inn has become an important landmark in celebrating queer history.
AP Photo/Seth Wenig

Apart from acknowledging evolving ideas about gender and sexuality, future LGBTQI+ allyship needs to be intersectional. This means that factors like age, social class, geography, race, language and disability count. And when barriers are broken down across sectors, like healthcare, education and housing, allies become stronger. Läs mer…

Many Australians with disability feel on the edge of a precipice right now. Recommendations from the disability royal commission and the NDIS review were released late last year. Now a draft NDIS reform bill has been tabled. In this series, experts examine what new proposals could mean for people with disability.

At $14.4 billion over four years, the federal budget’s biggest savings come from efforts to rein in the cost of the National Disability Insurance Scheme (NDIS). The government also plans to invest $213.8 million to fight fraud and co-design NDIS reforms with people with disability. Previous estimates show up to 20% of NDIS expenditure may be fraudulent.

Alongside his “back on track” reform bill in March, NDIS Minister Bill Shorten, announced a taskforce to tackle overcharging that can mean participants pay more than people outside the scheme for the same product or service.

Chaired by the Australian Consumer and Competition Commission (ACCC), the taskforce will collaborate with the NDIS Quality and Safeguards Commission and the National Disability Insurance Agency (NDIA) to combat this so-called “NDIS tax”. But how does this taskforce work and will it be effective?

Overcharging NDIS participants

Currently, the NDIA (which administers the NDIS) provides individual funding to NDIS participants to purchase a range of reasonable and necessary goods and services from providers. The NDIA also has guidelines that set the maximum prices registered providers can charge NDIS participants for each item. For example, the capped price for cleaning services is around $54 per hour ($76 per hour in remote areas and $81 in very remote areas.)

Bill Shorten said the taskforce would put ‘shonky’ providers who extorted people with a disability out of business.
AAP/Mick Tsikas

However, there have been reports of providers charging the maximum price set by the NDIA as soon as a client is identified as an NDIS participant. Some providers employ a “twin pricing” strategy, charging an NDIS participant more than they would charge a non-participant. For example, a provider might charge an NDIS participant $130 for a waterproof mattress protector but charge everyone else $90 for the same item.

Previously, these activities were not necessarily fraudulent. However, the NDIS Code of Conduct was amended in December last year, making it illegal for the NDIS providers to charge a higher price for goods for a participant “without a reasonable justification”.

What can NDIS participants do?

NDIS participants are one of the key contributors to the operation of the new taskforce. They can report suspicious overcharging activities.

For example, if they are purchasing a shower chair, they could do a quick online search and obtain several quotes. If they believe they have been overcharged, they should double-check their service agreement to verify they have received the agreed-upon chair, then contact their service provider for an explanation. Ultimately, if they cannot resolve the issue, they can report the case to the taskforce.

Participants can also contact the ACCC if they receive a faulty product or one that does not match their agreement. And they can report providers who intimidate them into signing a contract or pressure them to purchase services they do not need.

What happens next?

Once the taskforce is tipped off, they can initiate an investigation, although the NDIS participant may not be notified of the process or the outcomes.

The taskforce will investigate suspected illegal overcharging of NDIS participants, misleading conduct, unfair contract terms, and anti-competitive agreements set by service providers.

Providers who are found in breach of the NDIS Code of Conduct may face unscheduled site visits, receive compliance notices, be permanently banned, incur financial penalties, and even face criminal sanctions where fraud is suspected.

Will the taskforce be effective?

Co-designed NDIS taskforces that operate mainly based on participant reports can certainly work. The Fraud Fusion Taskforce, established in 2022 to disrupt NDIS fraud and criminal activity, led to more than 2,000 tip-offs in February 2024 alone. Some of these investigations have led to prosecutions.

The ACCC taskforce could be particularly effective in combating price differentiation for tangible goods purchased by NDIS participants, such as wheelchairs, pillows and assistive technology for vision or hearing. But it is important to note some participants may lack the time, skills or capacity required to compare prices and report them to the taskforce.

Controlling price differentiation for services such as those provided by occupational therapists, in-home support and physiotherapists is more complicated.

Service providers may charge the maximum price for a variety of reasons. For one thing, becoming a registered NDIS provider is costly because of administrative expenses and costs related to quality and risk control. There are also expenses associated with registration, compliance and regular audits. And the price of services might depend on the provider’s level of experience and location. The flexibility of service providers and their reputation can also be factors.

Participants with more than one disability might require complex services, and providers could charge a higher price to serve participants with greater needs.

What powers does the ACCC have to monitor NDIS provider charges?
Shutterstock

A pricing model that needs redesign

As part of its findings, the NDIS Review said the scheme’s pricing model did not encourage quality and efficiency, with price caps acting more like “price anchors” than “price ceilings”. The 2024–25 budget pledges $5.3 million to investigate pricing reforms to “strengthen transparency, predictability, and alignment”.

These are important because the current model can encourage service providers to focus on profitability rather than on improving service quality. And the fee-for-service approach can encourage over servicing that discourages capacity building, particularly for people with complex disabilities.

While the ACCC taskforce may well prove effective in controlling unfair overcharging of goods, a review of the pricing model for services is also needed to minimise exploitation of the system. Läs mer…

In retrospect, the turnaround — and just how fast it happened — is difficult to believe.

In 2010, Ontario’s economic future looked grim. Tied as it had been for more than a century to the automobile industry, the provincial economy was in freefall.

General Motors and Chrysler went bankrupt, dozens of plants were shuttered, and tens of thousands of well-paying auto jobs were lost along Ontario’s automotive-producing zone from Windsor to Oshawa.

Ontario’s auto sector, once the wellspring of the province’s prosperity, looked to be in the process of an inevitable decline. It was, quite literally, a dinosaur industry seemingly destined to go the way of Australia’s, which closed its last car plant in 2017.

Barely 15 years later, in April Honda announced a massive $15 billion investment into its Ontario facilities to build the firm’s next generation of electric vehicles (EVs). This investment is, by quite a margin, the largest ever foreign direct expenditure in Canada.

Honda’s decision capped a series of announced spending and investment initiatives (by both public and private interests) in Canada’s auto sector since 2020 totalling over $50 billion. This is an astonishing figure that secures Ontario as the only jurisdiction on the planet boasting six major auto manufacturers, all rapidly transitioning towards the next generation of vehicles and the batteries to power them.

So, what just happened, and why? And what does it all mean?

Footage from the announcement of Honda’s $15 billion investment in Ontario’s automotive manufacturing sector.

From internal combustion to EV

Much more than a simple manufacturing commitment, Honda Ontario’s pivotal investment cements the province’s place at the forefront of one of the greatest societal changes transforming North America and the world — the shift from an economy powered by the internal combustion engine (ICE) to an electrified, decarbonized and digitized future.

Henry Ford had led the automobile-driven second industrial revolution between 1910 and 1930. Starting in the 2010s, a digitized, decarbonized and roboticized Tesla profitably achieved mass EV production and helped to usher in the fourth industrial revolution, “Automotive 4.0.”

Read more:
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In this new era, startups and established automakers alike have been helped along by massive United States (and Canadian) government support to foster the industry’s EV transition. All this is in support of a simple goal of having all the benefits of automobility, without the emissions.

Already, many governments (including Canada and California) have mandated that 100 per cent of new light vehicle sales will be zero emission by 2035. In 2024, about one in five new vehicle sales around the globe are electric, and in North America the industry has committed over $400 billion to meeting this goal.

Ontario’s EV transition

In Ontario, the speed and scale of the EV transition is dramatically evident. At the top line is the $5 billion Stellantis battery plant in Windsor and Volkswagen’s $7 billion PowerCo. battery plant in St. Thomas — a location where Henry Ford once built police cars and taxicabs.

Those announcements came on top of Ford’s 2023 agreement to build EVs in Oakville (since delayed), while General Motors is already manufacturing BrightDrop EV trucks in Ingersoll.

Additional EV facilities are opening across the province, including at homegrown parts manufacturers, like Aurora’s Magna. Almost overnight, Ontario has become an EV powerhouse.

Much of this new investment is driven by the equally massive subsidies and tax breaks that are being given to auto manufacturers, totalling well over $30 billion between the Ontario and federal government. Much of this spending has simply been to match the Biden administration’s pro-EV Inflation Reduction Act subsidies.

Vehicles are seen in a parking lot at the General Motors Oshawa Assembly Plant in Oshawa, Ont., in June 2018.
THE CANADIAN PRESS/Tijana Martin

The Honda agreement provides $5 billion in support, but mostly through tax breaks as opposed to direct subsidies.

Unifor, the autoworkers union, has actively bargained for EV investment since the 2010s and helped to secure electrified production at Ford and GM.

The Automotive Parts Manufacturer’s Association built the all-electric Project Arrow EV concept entirely from Canadian parts and know-how to show how manufacturers could source locally. Just as importantly, for car makers like Honda, Ontario’s secure, zero-emission electrical grid helps considerably in meeting clean energy goals as they build and run their huge battery and EV plants.

Challenges still ahead

EV skeptics are in no short supply, emboldened by the size of taxpayer subsidies, the still-underdeveloped aspects of the Ontario mineral supply chain and the uncertainties of technology change.

The litany of doubts are well known.

Detractors say there are simply not enough rare minerals to make enough batteries or that Chinese manufacturers are already too far ahead, both in resource control and EV production (Chinese automaker BYD is bigger than Tesla).

Read more:
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It is claimed that the electrical grid won’t hold up, that EVs aren’t better for the planet, that expanding ranges will never stem the anxiety and, ultimately, that people will refuse to switch to EVs.

Honda’s announcement is something of a rejoinder, a clear tipping point that the future of automobility is electric, and that it can be successfully achieved in Ontario. The scale of Honda’s EV commitment and its intention to build a comprehensive vehicle chain within Ontario (from minerals to final assembly) makes a bold statement, given the company’s past successes.

Honda is most famous for its efficient ICE technology and if it sees an electric mobility future in Ontario, then you can bet that they’re sure that it’s pretty much already here.

Prime Minister Justin Trudeau (left to right), Honda executive Toshihiro Mibe and Ontario Premier Doug Ford walk along an assembly line at an event announcing plans for a Honda electric vehicle battery plant in Alliston, Ont., on April 25, 2024.
THE CANADIAN PRESS/Nathan Denette

So much so, in fact, that the government has recently launched a rather optimistic, futuristic television ad campaign boasting that the required mining, technology, workforce, supply chain and energy needs are all right here in Ontario and “all powered by one of the cleanest grids in North America.”

It seems to have worked on Honda, and quite a few others. What a difference a decade and a half makes. Läs mer…

In 2017, then-Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull alighted from a helicopter to announce a grand plan: Snowy Hydro 2.0. It would turn the famous hydroelectric scheme into a giant battery, ready to power the green transition.

Turnbull no doubt expected his announcement would associate his leadership with the positive aura of the enormous post-war Snowy scheme, since mythologised as the foremost nation-building achievement of the 20th century.

But bad press has plagued Snowy 2.0. Recent news of a tunnel collapse is the latest episode in ongoing mechanical problems. There have been reports of environmental mismanagement, bogged tunnelling machines and cost blowouts. The constant stream of bad stories have outweighed any nation-building glow.

Or has it? Snowy 1.0 took 25 years to complete. It was a huge task to divert the Snowy River inland through tunnels, bolstering water supplies in the Murray and Murrumbidgee rivers and generating power through hydroelectricity. Workers died. Costs blew out. But the mythology of the project grew, partly driven by promotional films depicting the project as a source of national pride and power.

Malcolm Turnbull had high hopes for Snowy 2.0 as a rousing symbol of nationbuilding, but the project has been widely criticised for slow progress.
Alex Ellinghausen/AAP

A tale of two projects

Snowy 2.0 is overseen by a government-owned corporation, Snowy Hydro. Its public relations program includes social media, an onsite Discovery Centre and a YouTube channel with monthly video updates narrated by Snowy 2.0 personnel.

To date, the biggest boon for the project has been the three-part SBS series, Building the Snowy, first broadcast in August 2023. While not formally a product of Snowy Hydro, the series has an upbeat tone. Extensive use of archival footage strongly links current works to the celebrated post-war scheme.

Despite these efforts, Snowy 2.0 is now nationally known for slow progress and cost blowouts. The negative perception is fair. Snowy Hydro bosses admit there have been unanticipated setbacks.

Is it too late to change these perceptions? Not necessarily. Energy projects can be powerfully reimagined and legitimated in the public sphere. The original Snowy Scheme of the 1950s offers a formidable template.

This wasn’t by accident. Sir William Hudson, an engineer tasked with managing the Snowy scheme, had witnessed the successful promotion of Roosevelt’s 1930s New Deal policies in the United States, including the construction of the monumental Hoover Dam.

The building of America’s Hoover Dam was similarly feted as a nationbuilding project.
Everett Collection/Shutterstock, CC BY

Hudson decided to follow suit, investing heavily in promotion. This, it turned out, was wise. The scheme’s early years were fraught. Political wrangling meant the scheme was started under Commonwealth defence powers until it was formalised by state legislation in Victoria and NSW in 1959. It could easily have been cancelled or curtailed.

As the building progressed, workers began to die in accidents – a tally which would reach 121. States continued to disagree about the allocation of water for irrigation.

Hudson had to convince both the public and politicians of its merits. In addition to the usual press releases and newsreels, Hudson turned the works into a tourist attraction, taking people into the mountains by the busload.

Documentaries by the dozen

From the 1950s to the 1970s, the Snowy Mountain Authority sponsored a prolific photographic section, which put out huge volumes of photos – and around 130 documentaries.

The project was documented in great detail. The construction of the Murrumbidgee-Eucumbene tunnel (1959, left image) and the breakthrough joining two sections of the tunnel together (1960, right image)
National Archives of Australia

Some of these weren’t aimed at a wide audience, such as safety training films or recruitment films to sustain the workforce.

But there were dozens which deliberately set out to create a favourable image of the scheme. The experienced cinematographer Harry Malcolm produced many of these films, which were shown at film festivals, schools and community group screenings.

Several documentaries depicted the safety practices in tunnelling.
Sound and Safe (1963), Australian Screen, CC BY

The films made much of the spectacular alpine environment. Some showed the lives and accommodation of workers and their families in company towns such as Khancoban and Cabramurra. Only a few mentioned the multicultural workforce the scheme is known for.

Titles include Where Men and Mountains Meet (1963), Challenge of the Great Divide (1967) and Where the Hills Are Twice as Steep (1958). This last features a male narrator speaking from the perspective of Mt Kosciuszko, describing a chronology from deep time to colonisation to the problems of irrigation and electricity the scheme was meant to solve.

A high point was Conquest of the Rivers (1957), which won awards at film festivals and circulating internationally.

The semi-fictionalised documentary tells the story of Tom Carpenter who leaves his drought-affected home west of the Great Dividing Range with his small family and travels to Cooma to work on the Snowy.

Conquest of the Rivers emphasises a better future, created by the labour of male bodies as they carve paths inside mountains. The film draws on wartime tropes of capable masculinity.

Dozens of documentaries showed tunnelling, dam building, town relocation, town building and the environment of the area.
The Construction of Geehi Dam, Australian Screen, CC BY

Taken together, these documentaries offered a stabilising discourse for the nation against the massive social change brought by the large Baby Boomer generation.

By 1960, the films had done their work. There was widespread enthusiasm for the project and its future was guaranteed.

There’s a telling quote from Tom Mitchell, a critic of the scheme, in Margaret Unger’s Voices from the Snowy:

In 1960 Upper Murray people suffered from a strange disease known as ‘Snowyitis’ which consisted of an overwhelming enthusiasm for the Snowy Scheme, almost rising to the fervour of a Billy Graham crusade. And yet, if asked, no one could really define the benefits

These films were never meant to be even-handed. Instead, Harry Malcolm’s films were a potent mix of truth and illusion, distracting from real problems such as deficient safety standards, low worker morale, and alarmingly, no planning for floods until after devastating floods on the Murray in 1956.

Could history repeat?

Just like the original Snowy scheme, the future of Snowy 2.0 is not assured. Its original backer has left politics. Enormous engineering challenges have yet to be overcome.

Could Snowy 2.0 be reframed as 1.0 did? It is possible. But it would require a much more imaginative storytelling regime, beyond photos of large tunnelling machines or commentary from engineers.

To make it successful in the public eye, it should harness the new story of our time – the essential energy transition away from fossil fuels and the creation of a new grid. It should connect this project in the mountains to the needs of people around the nation, appealing to the senses and conjuring up the desired future.

And it cannot be only in the realm of PR – Snowy 2.0 must make our environmental plight better, not worse.

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I’m not an apologist for the Snowy 2.0 hydro scheme – but let’s not obsess over the delays and cost blowouts Läs mer…

Bullying by judges, magistrates and other judicial officers is a factor in many lawyers leaving the profession.

This month is the first anniversary of the Judicial Commission of Victoria’s conduct guideline about judicial bullying. Yet, as shown in our latest research published this week, judicial bullying remains an issue across all states in Australia.

Judicial bullying is conduct by judges and magistrates that is unreasonable in the circumstances and belittles, humiliates, insults, victimises, is aggressive or intimidating.

In 2023, lawyers across Australia shared in interviews that judicial bullying was a significant contributor to workplace stress. They remarked that it wasn’t clients or the law that might ruin their day – more often it was courtroom encounters with judges and magistrates.

Lawyers often likened this to getting “slapped” or “kicked”. As one lawyer told us,

I’ve seen lawyers leave […] and not gone back to work in criminal law because of what they’ve experienced, and the pressures and the judges and their comments.

Breaking the taboo

Interactions between lawyers and judges or magistrates typically represent an entirely one-sided power dynamic. In courtrooms, judicial officers have all the power, while lawyers and others have limited or no power to challenge bullying behaviour.

Bullying by judicial officers contributes to stress, depression, and burnout for lawyers. So far, Victoria is the only Australian jurisdiction to take formal steps to reduce judicial bullying.

Within the legal profession, judicial bullying has long been a taboo subject. It has traditionally been viewed as a rite of passage for lawyers. Some judges have taken the view that concerns about judicial bullying reflect that lawyers have become too fragile.

Judicial bullying not only affects lawyers but can diminish the health and wellbeing of other court staff and participants. It undermines the integrity of the justice system by giving the impression that judicial officers are biased. Bullying in the courtroom demonstrates a lack of professionalism that may negatively influence the behaviour of others in court.

Research shows judicial bullying is common, but it has long been a taboo subject in the legal profession.
Glenn Hunt/AAP

Surveys of Australian legal practitioners show that judicial bullying is common. For example, 59% of Victorian barristers reported they experienced judicial bullying. That same study found that women barristers experienced judicial bullying more frequently: 66% compared to 55% of male barristers. In our own research, many lawyers observed a gendered dimension to the issue.

Former High Court justice Michael Kirby has acknowledged the issue of judicial bullying. Most judges and magistrates do not bully from the bench. As one lawyer told us “Judicial bullying has definitely gotten a lot better. Thirteen years ago, judicial bullying was the biggest problem.”

Justice Kirby has stated “there are a few serial judicial offenders in the judiciary, who are widely known in the legal profession.”

Judicial bullying is a cause of depression in lawyers. While barristers have reported high levels of job satisfaction overall, judicial bullying was observed as the most significant issue affecting their working life.

Combatting judicial bullying

The Judicial Commission of Victoria has taken steps to combat judicial bullying. They noted that a cultural change in courtrooms was required to develop safer, healthier, and more respectful workplaces. A lack of strong leadership on the issue has been observed as a challenge. There is also a lack of awareness among judicial officers about the effects of judicial bullying, and bad systems for reporting bullying.

Official responses to reduce bullying can include permitting anonymous complaints, allowing witnesses to make reports, and improving complaint processes. Last year, the Legal Practice Board in Western Australia created an online portal that would allow for anonymous complaints of judicial bullying.

Beyond institutional responses, there are measures lawyers can actively take to reduce the risk and impact of judicial bullying. Supervisors shared with us that management of caseloads for junior lawyers can reduce the risk of judicial bullying. Informal debriefing between colleagues, such as office conversations, chats walking to court, and during social gatherings, were the most important ways lawyers coped with workplace stress, including judicial bullying.

It is important to recognise that many lawyers represent vulnerable members of our community in court. This includes victims of domestic and family violence, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander clients, youth, people with disabilities, and people in custody. The professional expertise of these lawyers is an important legal and social resource in Australia. Steps should be taken to protect this resource from unhealthy working environments, which can include bullying inside and outside the courtroom.

Judicial bullying may itself be caused by professional stress. Ensuring that judicial workloads are manageable is another important feature of reducing the risk for judicial bullying. Judges and magistrates work in high-stress roles and must be provided with the resources and supports to lead healthy professional lives.

The legal profession continues to grapple with the challenges presented by bullying in the workplace. It is important to acknowledge the impact that a minority of judges and magistrates can have on lawyers. Victoria’s response in formally acknowledging the issue of judicial bullying is a positive step that should be adopted throughout Australia. Läs mer…

The Southern Ocean, a region critical to Earth’s climate, hosts vast blooms of microscopic ocean plants known as phytoplankton. They form the very basis of the Antarctic food web.

Using a fleet of robotic floats, our study published in Nature today reveals that windblown dust delivers enough iron to support a third of the Southern Ocean’s phytoplankton growth. Knowing this will help us understand how global warming will affect key climate processes phytoplankton are involved in.

The Southern Ocean acts as a climate “shock absorber”. Its cold waters and vast area capture up to 40% of human-generated carbon dioxide (CO₂) absorbed by the planet’s oceans each year.

Human-generated CO₂ mainly enters the ocean as it dissolves at the surface. However, biological processes that transfer vast quantities of CO₂ from the surface to the deep ocean play a critical role in the ocean’s natural carbon cycle.

Even slight changes to these processes in the Southern Ocean could weaken or strengthen the climate shock absorber. This is where phytoplankton play a key role.

A massive phytoplankton bloom off of the Atlantic coast of Patagonia, Argentina, in 2010.
NASA’s Earth Observatory/Norman Kuring, Ocean Color Web

Phytoplankton: tiny but mighty

Like plants on land, phytoplankton convert CO₂ into biomass through photosynthesis. When phytoplankton die, they sink into the deep ocean. This effectively locks away the carbon for decades, or even hundreds of years. This is known as the biological carbon pump, and it helps to regulate Earth’s climate.

Phytoplankton need nutrients and light to flourish. Nitrogen, in the form of nitrate, is one of these essential nutrients and is plentiful in the Southern Ocean. During the bloom period in spring and summer, phytoplankton consume nitrate.

This offers scientists a unique opportunity – by measuring how much nitrate disappears seasonally, they can calculate the growth of phytoplankton and the carbon sequestered in their biomass.

But there’s a twist. Iron, another essential nutrient, is in short supply in the Southern Ocean. This shortage stunts phytoplankton growth, lowering the efficiency of the biological carbon pump.

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Dust boosts life in the Southern Ocean

Iron is commonly found in soil. Winds carry iron-rich dust from the continents to the oceans. This supply of dust-derived iron can trigger phytoplankton blooms, greening stretches of the ocean and strengthening the carbon pump.

Historically, to study the effects of iron fertilisation on phytoplankton – whether the iron came from dust, other natural sources, or was deliberately added – scientists had to embark on expensive research voyages to the remote Southern Ocean.

However, insights from such experiments were restricted to small regions and short periods during certain seasons. Little was known about the impact of dust on phytoplankton all year round across the whole of the Southern Ocean.

To address this gap, we turned to robots.

Researchers deploy a robotic float off the CSIRO research vessel (RV) Investigator.
Jakob Weis

Ocean robots follow the trail of dust

Over the past decade, research organisations have deployed a fleet of robotic ocean floats worldwide. These robots tirelessly track ocean properties, including the nitrate concentration.

Strong westerly winds carry dust from the deserts of Australia, Patagonia and southern Africa across the Southern Ocean. The dust deposition shown here was calculated by computer models.
Adapted from Weis et al. (2024)

In our study, we analysed nitrate measurements at 13,600 locations in the Southern Ocean. We calculated phytoplankton growth from nitrate disappearance and combined these growth estimates with computer models of dust deposition.

With this new approach, we uncovered a direct link between the supply of dust-derived iron and phytoplankton growth. Importantly, we also found the dust doesn’t just coincide with phytoplankton growth – it actually fuels it by supplying iron.

We used this relationship to build productivity maps of the Southern Ocean — past, present or future. These maps suggest that dust supports roughly a third of the phytoplankton growth in the Southern Ocean today.

During ice ages, a combination of drier conditions, lower sea levels and stronger winds meant dust deposition on the Southern Ocean was up to 40 times greater than today.

When we apply dust simulations of the last ice age to our newfound relationship, we estimate that phytoplankton growth was two times higher during these dustier times than it is today.

So, by fuelling phytoplankton growth, dust likely played an important role in keeping atmospheric CO₂ concentrations low during ice ages.

Why does it matter?

Global warming and land use changes could rapidly change dust delivery to the ocean in the future.

These shifts would have important consequences for ocean ecosystems and fisheries, and our research provides the tools to help forecast these changes.

To keep global warming below 1.5˚C, it is imperative that we find safe and effective methods for actively removing CO₂ from the atmosphere. One proposed and controversial strategy involves fertilising the Southern Ocean with iron, mimicking the natural processes that decreased CO₂ during ice ages.

Our results suggest such a strategy could boost productivity in the least dusty parts of the Southern Ocean, but uncertainties remain around the ecological consequences of this intervention and its long term effectiveness in capturing carbon.

By studying how nature has done this in the past, we can learn more about the possible outcomes and practicality of fertilising the ocean to mitigate climate change.

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The ParticipACTION Report Card on Physical Activity for Children and Youth, the most comprehensive assessment of children’s physical activity in Canada, recently gave the country a D+ in overall physical activity.

While this grade is better than the D grade given in 2022, there is still much room for improvement. The D+ resulted from only 39 per cent of children and youth in Canada meeting the recommendation of at least 60 minutes a day of moderate-to-vigorous — or heart-pumping — physical activity.

The report, which we were involved in, synthesizes and shares the latest research on physical activity, with the goal of influencing behaviours and policies to get children living in Canada moving more and sitting less.

A team of 17 leading experts in children’s physical activity, from across Canada and sectors — including academia, the government and non-government organizations — that developed the report using the best available data from multiple sources.

The ParticipACTION report evaluates 14 different indicators of child and youth physical activity using a grading system ranging from A to F.
(ParticipACTION)

The report’s findings show there are still a significant number of barriers hindering children and youth’s ability to lead healthier, more active lifestyles in Canada.

One factor that is likely driving low physical activity rates is screen-based sedentary behaviour, which received a D grade in this year’s report. Only 27 per cent of children and youth met the recommendation of less than two hours per day recreational screen time.

Inequality and physical activity

The increased physical activity grade was not a universal increase across all equity-denied groups.

National data indicated that physical activity decreased for boys and girls during the pandemic. Thirty-seven per cent of children were active in the fall of 2020, compared to 50 per cent pre-pandemic.

However, only boys’ physical activity levels have rebounded. Fifty-two percent of boys were physically active in 2021, compared to 40 per cent in 2020. Girls remained stagnant at 35 per cent in 2021 and 2020.

Additionally, only 55 per cent of parents from the lowest-income households reported that their children participated in organized sports within the last year, compared to 86 per cent of parents from the highest-income households.

Climate change

With already low grades for children’s physical activity, climate change is emerging as a new barrier for children and youth to get more active.

For instance, the number of weather alerts in Canada is rapidly trending upwards, which could indicate an increased number of days where kids can’t play outside, recesses take place indoors, and sports and school days are cancelled.

Events like poor air quality from wildfire smoke, heat waves and heat domes are becoming more frequent during the summer, with climate scientists predicting they will only grow more intense.

Weather alerts in Canada have increased since 2014.
(Environment Canada)

Children, compared to adults, are also more vulnerable to climate-related weather events based on their smaller airways and need to breathe more rapidly, which could put them at greater risk of inhaling more pollutants and subsequent lung diseases.

Beyond the risks, physical activity can help planetary health and resilience for children. For instance, physical activities such as active transport and gardening can provide benefits to the individual and for planetary health.

Read more:
Keeping kids active despite the weather: Promoting outdoor activity all year round

Additionally, the more time a child spends outdoors the more active they are, and the more their connection with nature increases. This can lead to raising a generation of more pro-environmental adults. Regular physical activity can also make children more resilient to the rising temperatures associated with climate change.

Comparing grades

Examining grades across 57 countries around the world in 2022, Canada’s overall physical activity grade (D) was below average compared to other very high Human Development Index countries. Overall, 27 countries scored higher than Canada.

The two highest scoring countries were Slovenia and Sweden with an A-. Potential reasons for these higher grades included Slovenia’s strong infrastructure in the community and quality physical education in the schools.

Meanwhile, the importance of physical activity has permeated many facets of Finland’s culture. It’s strongly emphasized in education training, policies, strategies and national health promotion programs.

If Canada strives to make physical activity a cultural norm, it has much to learn from Slovenia and Finland.

Improving physical activity in Canada

The 2024 ParticipACTION Report Card makes a number of recommendations for improving physical activity in Canada, including climate change-specific recommendations. While climate change presents obstacles for children’s physical activity levels, there are ways to help children and youth stay active while building resilience.

For parents and caregivers, the report suggests replacing sedentary and screen time with indoor active play during climate events that limit outdoor play and organized sports. Caregivers can also come up with indoor activity plans and go to local recreation centres.

By facilitating discussions about climate change and engaging in outdoor activities, parents and caregivers can also reduce eco-anxiety and foster a greater understanding and appreciation of environmental conservation.

Schools should ensure active play remains accessible at all times.
(Shutterstock)

Organized sport programmers can implement heat warning systems, and develop clear, easy-to-action guidelines and policies for adverse weather events.

Schools are encouraged to implement daily physical activity policies and strategies to safeguard active play when recess is relocated indoors due to climate-related risks.

Read more:
6 actions school systems can take to support children’s outdoor learning

Governments have a role to play in investing more in active transportation infrastructure — which, in turn, would reduce carbon emissions and pollution — national and provincial parks, trails, and recreation and sport facilities to improve access to physical activity opportunities for children, youth and families.

Lastly, all sectors should invest in health promotion initiatives that consider climate change implications on physical activity among children and youth, with specific emphasis on equity-denied communities, to make physical activity more accessible for all in the face of a changing climate. Läs mer…

The federal government established the Public Inquiry into Foreign Interference in Federal Electoral Processes and Democratic Institutions, led by Justice Marie-Josée Hogue, in September 2023.

In Canada, foreign interference is defined as “harmful activities undertaken by foreign states or their proxies that are clandestine, deceptive, or involve a threat to any person to advance the strategic objectives of those states to the detriment of Canada’s national interests.”

Toronto news outlet The Green Line and The Conversation Canada collaborated on this article, part of The Green Line’s ongoing Diasporic Conversations series. For more information about The Green Line, scroll to the end of this article.

These threats and activities of state or non-state entities foster polarization, distrust and erode faith in democratic systems.

Hogue’s initial report found that foreign interference occurred in both of the last two federal elections — held in 2019 and 2021 — and is expected to continue.

In contrast to former Governor-General David Johnston’s separate report on foreign interference, the commission made public the bulk of security and intelligence reports during the first stage of the hearings. Most of these documents were declassified and unredacted.

China is the biggest culprit

Among the few countries that the commission examined, the People’s Republic of China was found to be “the foremost perpetrator” of foreign interference. Its sophisticated, pervasive and persistent activities target government officials, electoral candidates, political organizations and diaspora communities.

With billions of dollars poured into its global operation, China expends significantly more resources on foreign interference-related activities than any other country.

The commission’s Stage 1 hearings featured a panel of diaspora community representatives who have been affected by foreign interference and transnational repression. Together with witness statements from members of Parliament and an ex-MP who dealt with foreign interference, a diaspora perspective emerged from this initial phase of the commission’s hearings.

In her report, Hogue noted some diaspora communities are disproportionately affected by foreign interference. Targeted by China in its transnational repression efforts, five groups — dubbed the “Five Poisons” by Chinese authorities — particularly bear the brunt: Falun Gong adherents, Uyghurs, Tibetans, supporters of Taiwan and those advocating for democracy in mainland China and Hong Kong.

It was chilling to hear Mehmet Tohti from the Uyghur community tell the commission about a threatening phone call from Chinese state police announcing the death of his mother and two sisters in his homeland. Grace Dai Wollensak from the Falun Gong community broke into tears when she recounted 25 years of foreign interference and transnational repression in Canada.

Diaspora community members Grace Dai Wollensak and Mehmet Tohti (right) listen to Iranian-Canadian activist Hamed Esmaeilion (left) speak at the Public Inquiry into Foreign Interference in Federal Electoral Processes and Democratic Institutions in March 2024 in Ottawa.
THE CANADIAN PRESS/Adrian Wyld

Chinese reach

Hogue’s report validated the Chinese diaspora group’s lived experiences and their observations about China’s power and motivation to silence dissidents, amplify Chinese Communist Party narratives, control public opinion and sow discord in diaspora communities.

Through its United Front Work Department, an entity under President Xi Jinping’s direct command aimed at shaping international discourse and orchestrating transnational repression, China manipulates democratic institutions to serve Communist Party interests by using rewards and punishments.

Via friendly community organizations or trusted contacts working on behalf of China, the United Front Work Department co-ordinates its foreign interference activities via Chinese embassies or consulates to target activists, dissidents and politicians.

The commission heard that Chinese diaspora members face frightening overt and covert tactics from Chinese consulates, dissuading them from full participation in Canadian public life if they don’t align with China’s interests.

While Hogue determined that foreign interference didn’t determine which party formed a government in either 2019 and 2021, results in certain ridings may have been impacted. For instance, misinformation and disinformation campaigns targeted former Conservative Party leader Erin O’Toole and Kenny Chiu, a former MP from British Columbia, due to their criticisms of China’s human rights record.

Hogue recognized that foreign interference in the last two elections has tarnished Canada’s electoral ecosystem, compromising some voters’ rights to make independent choices. That’s a detriment to democracy.

Erin O’Toole speaks to reporters after appearing as a witness at the Public Inquiry into Foreign Interference in Federal Electoral Processes and Democratic Institutions in Ottawa on April 3, 2024.
THE CANADIAN PRESS/Sean Kilpatrick

Lacking protection

From a diaspora perspective, protection from foreign interference and transnational repression is of utmost importance.

As revealed in Hogue’s initial report, there were obvious communication gaps among related government departments and agencies during both election periods. There was also a lack of co-ordinated effort and attention to specific warnings about foreign interference that were provided by security and intelligence agencies like CSIS before and during both election campaigns. Diaspora communities were left unprotected because there were no warnings.

Diaspora communities have been failed by the government’s efforts to address foreign interference. The government and political parties have seemingly only been concerned about the political implications and consequences, and not the harm caused to diaspora communities.

Ample intelligence reports on foreign threat activities have reached monitoring bodies like the Security and Intelligence Threats to Elections SITE Task Force and the panel of five senior public servants tasked with monitoring foreign interference and issuing public warnings if they felt there was a threat to the integrity of the vote. The Prime Minister’s Office was notified about these reports.

But the commission heard no incidents were found to have warranted a public statement.

This is likely because protocols on what does warrant a public statement do not reflect the realities of diaspora communities. There was also a probable under-reporting of cases and evidence because diaspora community members lack access to public information, like tip lines, because they’re only available in English and French.

Chinese President Xi Jinping speaks to Prime Minister Justin Trudeau after the closing session of a G20 Leaders Summit in Bali, Indonesia in November 2022. Jinping reportedly chastised Trudeau over media leaks about their foreign interference conversations at the event.
THE CANADIAN PRESS/Sean Kilpatrick

Raising awareness

Despite the fact that the commission’s mandate in Stage 1 was confined to the last two general elections, there may now be greater public awareness of the damage foreign interference has done to Canada’s democratic system.

The commission heard about several disturbing incidents, including the transfer of $250,000 for suspected foreign interference-related purposes, the Chinese consulate’s involvement in transporting international students to a nomination contest in the Toronto riding of Don Valley North and the ostracization of vocal MPs perceived as threats by China. But they’re only the tip of the iceberg.

Hogue’s initial report did not mention the struggles of diaspora communities because the members of those communities weren’t sworn in as witnesses — they appeared at the Stage 1 hearings to raise awareness and provide context. They will likely appear as witnesses in the next phase of hearings, and their lived experiences should augment the intelligence reports and widen the scope of understanding about the threats and activities of state entities and their proxies in Canada.

Hogue has warned that foreign interference will not stop and indeed may become more intense in the future. The perspectives of those from diaspora communities on how to stop foreign interference can help strengthen Canadian democracy.

The Green Line is an award-winning, hyperlocal news outlet that investigates the way Torontonians live to help young and other underserved citizens survive and thrive in a rapidly changing city. Its ongoing series, Diasporic Conversations, is exploring why people living in a uniquely multicultural and pluralistic city like Toronto feel the impact of geopolitical conflicts much more intensely than those in other cities. Läs mer…

The prospect of a ceasefire agreement, which Hamas claimed it had been offered earlier this month, was a source of optimism for Gazans seeking respite from the war. That sense of jubilation was short-lived. According to mediators in Qatar, the talks have lost steam.

And with Israel pressing ahead with its new military offensive in the southern border city of Rafah and parts of northern Gaza where Hamas has regrouped, there is no indication that this conflict has an expiry date.

Israel’s offensive in Rafah, where more than 1 million displaced Palestinians are seeking refuge, is growing more intense. Israeli tanks have advanced further into the eastern part of the city, reaching some residential districts. An estimated 500,000 civilians have now fled this area of fighting, and the Palestinian death toll has topped 35,000 – a number that includes both civilians and fighters according to the Gaza health authority.

On May 14, as Israel celebrated its day of independence, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu addressed the country and warned that the war would not stop “until the Hamas monsters are eradicated”. His remarks are being met with frustration by even Israel’s staunchest of allies. The US, for example, has warned that the new offensive could lead it to suspend the transfer of some weapons to Israel.

Increased diplomatic pressure, rising military casualties and the continued problem of Israeli hostages in Gaza have not been enough to deter Netanyahu from ordering the new offensive. But there is a lot to lose by continuing with this strategy.

It not only risks perpetuating the conflict, but could also make an Israeli victory over Hamas more elusive. External pressure from the US and EU will continue, and may come to limit the extent to which Israel can pursue its military objectives.

Displaced Palestinians arrive in Khan Younis after leaving Rafah following an evacuation order issued by the Israeli army.
Mohammed Saber/EPA

This leads us to question the psychological conditions that govern Netanyahu’s war policy. We argue that Israel is locked in a “loss dilemma”. This concept describes a process where actions taken to overcome state anxiety by choosing to avoid one kind of loss (military failure in eradicating Hamas) creates a new anxiety about suffering another one (losing domestic political standing).

The result of this has probably influenced Netanyahu’s war cabinet to pursue its current policy, and perhaps explains the disregard for civilian casualties and Israel’s waning international reputation.

Internal pressures

The trauma of potentially losing the Israelis that are still held captive by Hamas is a reason to commit to a ceasefire, especially when Netanyahu has been pressured by the Israeli public to bring them home. Israel says 128 hostages remain unaccounted for in Gaza, at least 34 of whom are presumed dead. But the internal politics of Israel’s war coalition has prevented this.

Netanyahu has positioned himself as a leader that will “deliver security and retribution for Israel”. His grand claim of a military victory in Gaza places his political standing directly at risk of being undermined. Any sense of a U-turn on his pledge to secure Israel’s borders will make it difficult for him to remain in power.

Read more:
Domestic politics will be a key factor in how far things escalate between Israel and Iran

This dilemma is further compounded by the pressures that are being put on him by the ultra-nationalist contingent of his political coalition, which he currently relies on for political power. Over the course of the war, national security minister, Itamar Ben-Gvir’s hardline position has drawn support from some on the right of Netanyahu’s Likud party.

At a recent rally, Ben-Gvir argued that Israel needs to “encourage the voluntary departure of Gaza’s residents” so that Israelis can resettle in the “holy land” of Gaza.

Israel’s minister of national security, Itamar Ben-Gvir.
Abir Sultan / EPA

One of the fundamental dynamics at play here is the question of who may be at home in the “homeland”. Gazans, in being at home in the Gaza strip, are seen by Israel as constituting a fundamental security threat. This logic suggests that Palestinians inhabiting Gaza will always produce Hamas fighters, and therefore any Gazan represents a potential threat to the very existence of Israel.

Clearly, this is about loss, not least the historical loss of the Israeli settlements in Gaza in 2005. However, as tensions continue to rise within Israel about the conduct of the war, it is becoming harder and harder for Israel to maintain a singular image of who may be at home within that state. As plurality becomes politically poisonous, more primitive identities are used as the foundation for who is legitimately allowed to call Israel and the land it occupies home.

This loss dilemma, which underscores the internal dynamics of Israeli politics at present, has influenced Netanyahu to commit his army to not only rid Gaza of Hamas fighters but to pursue a policy that sees an expansion of Israel’s borders.

Time will tell whether Netanyahu ultimately acquiesces to such calls by the ultra-nationalist members of his coalition. But one thing that is certain is that the current strategy won’t lead to total victory for Israel and will instead ensure the conflict continues for years to come.

Palestinians will be firm on maintaining control of the Gaza Strip and will want to avoid their homeland being taken over by Israeli settlers. Läs mer…

Have a quick think back to the last time you scrolled through social media. Maybe it was this morning, last night or a few minutes ago. What do you recall? One thing you’re bound to remember is the continuous stream of influencers showing off their latest content.

These could be videos of influencers discussing the latest skin-care products, the trendiest places to eat, their latest shopping haul or the PR packages they received from various brands.

Much of social media influencing is about getting consumers to buy more products. However, there is a contrasting group of influencers who use their online presence to advocate for changing how people buy and consume.

In our recently published research, we looked into this sub-category of influencers to understand how they use social media to campaign for leading a more sustainable, healthy and ethical lifestyle.

Who are the ethical influencers?

We refer to them as ethical influencers. They include those whose content is dedicated to educating their online audiences about the impact of day-to-day consumption habits on the environment. This can take the form of vegan influencers asking audiences to avoid using animals in eating, clothing or entertainment.

They can also be sustainability influencers asking audiences to reduce their consumption, minimize waste, recycle, buy less and reuse more. In general, they are advocating new ways of living and consuming.

Unlike other lifestyle influencers, ethical influencers face two unique challenges that make it harder for them to build their online profiles.

First, they have to provide a closeup of their everyday life to demonstrate the new lifestyle to their audience. This is different from other influencers who might avoid sharing their personal life and play out a well-curated public persona that can greatly contrast their private life.

Ethical influencers strive to be as personal and authentic as possible by sharing their everyday life, practices and struggles.

Providing that kind of close look at their own lives can sometimes put them at greater risk of scrutiny since online audiences constantly evaluate and interact with their content.

Second, ethical influencers aim to reach out to a diverse audience, some of whom are not necessarily interested in the new lifestyle. Because ethical influencers are fundamentally trying to promote certain lifestyle choices and habits, they need to connect with a wide range of people to convince them to alter their beliefs and behaviour.

This distinction puts them counter to social media algorithms and the norms of para-social relations that favour connections based on similar interests or lifestyles.

Given these challenges, how are ethical influencers navigating their muddy terrain?

Connecting with their online audience

We found that ethical influencers use five strategies: acting, humanizing, framing, pivoting and evangelizing. For those thinking of building a similar online profile, these strategies will help in gathering audience.

Acting is showing step-by-step the expertise and commitment of ethical influencers when it comes to the new consumption practices.

For example, Lauren Singer, an enviromental influencer, posts regularly on her expertise on ways to reduce waste. Singer is most famous for fitting all the waste she produced in two years in a 16-ounce Mason jar. Acting helps ethical influencers establish legitimacy with their audience.

Humanizing is shown through sharing personal stories that might not be directly linked to green consumption. Here, ethical influencers may talk about the latest work gathering, the new addition of a family member or the new hiking trail with their pet. Humanizing aids in fostering some sort of para-social relation with the audience. It shows them as human beings, not just change agents.

Framing spotlights the unwanted consumption practices. For example, ethical influencers talk about the dangers of using detergents packed in plastic containers as they deplete the Earth’s resources. Other posts include ethical influencers discussing the animal abuse in the production of cosmetics. Framing helps their audience delineate the desired versus the undesired practices in their everyday life.

Pivoting is about linking audiences with ethical businesses so they can better navigate the market with its myriad choices. This isn’t so much about brand advertising, nor monetized collaboration, but rather reviews about ethical product performance. Pivoting helps audiences find substitutes to their daily products that are in line with living the new, more sustainable lifestyle.

Finally, evangelizing fuels a sense of community among members. Changing our behaviour and habits can be a daunting journey. Fostering a sense of belonging aids members in their quest and shields them from falling back into their old habits. These strategies, combined together, allow ethical influencers to achieve their ultimate goals.

While ethical influencers are not new, they are increasing both in terms of the number of accounts and in their popularity. They are striving to connect to, engage and educate audiences on living differently and having a positive impact on the planet. Their efforts make them a valuable resource when it comes to championing sustainability, ethical consumption and tackling climate change. Läs mer…