
Kakapåkaka kaka
En ny klassiker kan man kalla det. Jag tog två kakor och slog ihop till en. I botten är det mördeg och ovanpå en havrekaka. Det blev en av mina favoritkakor. Lätta att göra är de också. Recept Ugnstemperatur 175 Läs mer…
Nyheter och länkar - en bra startsida helt enkelt |Oculus lyx vitae
En ny klassiker kan man kalla det. Jag tog två kakor och slog ihop till en. I botten är det mördeg och ovanpå en havrekaka. Det blev en av mina favoritkakor. Lätta att göra är de också. Recept Ugnstemperatur 175 Läs mer…
Generative artificial intelligence (AI) has taken off at lightning speed in the past couple of years, creating disruption in many industries. Newsrooms are no exception.
A new report published today finds that news audiences and journalists alike are concerned about how news organisations are – and could be – using generative AI such as chatbots, image, audio and video generators, and similar tools.
The report draws on three years of interviews and focus group research into generative AI and journalism in Australia and six other countries (United States, United Kingdom, Norway, Switzerland, Germany and France).
Only 25% of our news audience participants were confident they had encountered generative AI in journalism. About 50% were unsure or suspected they had.
This suggests a potential lack of transparency from news organisations when they use generative AI. It could also reflect a lack of trust between news outlets and audiences.
Who or what makes your news – and how – matters for a host of reasons.
Some outlets tend to use more or fewer sources, for example. Or use certain kinds of sources – such as politicians or experts – more than others.
Some outlets under-represent or misrepresent parts of the community. This is sometimes because the news outlet’s staff themselves aren’t representative of their audience.
Carelessly using AI to produce or edit journalism can reproduce some of these inequalities.
Our report identifies dozens of ways journalists and news organisations can use generative AI. It also summarises how comfortable news audiences are with each.
The news audiences we spoke to overall felt most comfortable with journalists using AI for behind-the-scenes tasks rather than for editing and creating. These include using AI to transcribe an interview or to provide ideas on how to cover a topic.
But comfort is highly dependent on context. Audiences were quite comfortable with some editing and creating tasks when the perceived risks were lower.
The problem – and opportunity
Generative AI can be used in just about every part of journalism.
For example, a photographer could cover an event. Then, a generative AI tool could select what it “thinks” are the best images, edit the images to optimise them, and add keywords to each.
Computer software can try to recognise objects in images and add keywords, leading to potentially more efficient image processing workflows.
Elise Racine/Better Images of AI/Moon over Fields, CC BY
These might seem like relatively harmless applications. But what if the AI identifies something or someone incorrectly, and these keywords lead to mis-identifications in the photo captions? What if the criteria humans think make “good” images are different to what a computer might think? These criteria may also change over time or in different contexts.
Even something as simple as lightening or darkening an image can cause a furore when politics are involved.
AI can also make things up completely. Images can appear photorealistic but show things that never happened. Videos can be entirely generated with AI, or edited with AI to change their context.
Generative AI is also frequently used for writing headlines or summarising articles. These sound like helpful applications for time-poor individuals, but some news outlets are using AI to rip off others’ content.
AI-generated news alerts have also gotten the facts wrong. As an example, Apple recently suspended its automatically generated news notification feature. It did this after the feature falsely claimed US murder suspect Luigi Mangione had killed himself, with the source attributed as the BBC.
What do people think about journalists using AI?
Our research found news audiences seem to be more comfortable with journalists using AI for certain tasks when they themselves have used it for similar purposes.
For example, the people interviewed were largely comfortable with journalists using AI to blur parts of an image. Our participants said they used similar tools on video conferencing apps or when using the “portrait” mode on smartphones.
Likewise, when you insert an image into popular word processing or presentation software, it might automatically create a written description of the image for people with vision impairments. Those who’d previously encountered such AI descriptions of images felt more comfortable with journalists using AI to add keywords to media.
Popular word processing and presentation software can automatically generate alt-text descriptions for images that are inserted into documents or presentations.
T.J. Thomson
The most frequent way our participants encountered generative AI in journalism was when journalists reported on AI content that had gone viral.
For example, when an AI-generated image purported to show Princes William and Harry embracing at King Charles’s coronation, news outlets reported on this false image.
Our news audience participants also saw notices that AI had been used to write, edit or translate news articles. They saw AI-generated images accompanying some of these. This is a popular approach at The Daily Telegraph, which uses AI-generated images to illustrate many of its opinion columns.
The Daily Telegraph frequently turns to generative AI to illustrate its opinion columns, sometimes generating more photorealistic illustrations and sometimes less photorealistic ones.
T.J. Thomson
Overall, our participants felt most comfortable with journalists using AI for brainstorming or for enriching already created media. This was followed by using AI for editing and creating. But comfort depends heavily on the specific use.
Most of our participants were comfortable with turning to AI to create icons for an infographic. But they were quite uncomfortable with the idea of an AI avatar presenting the news, for example.
On the editing front, a majority of our participants were comfortable with using AI to animate historical images, like this one. AI can be used to “enliven” an otherwise static image in the hopes of attracting viewer interest and engagement.
A historical photograph from the State Library of Western Australia’s collection has been animated with AI (a tool called Runway) to introduce motion to the still image.
T.J. Thomson
Your role as an audience member
If you’re unsure if or how journalists are using AI, look for a policy or explainer from the news outlet on the topic. If you can’t find one, consider asking the outlet to develop and publish a policy.
Consider supporting media outlets that use AI to complement and support – rather than replace – human labour.
Before making decisions, consider the past trustworthiness of the journalist or outlet in question, and what the evidence says. Läs mer…
Living with a pet brings many benefits, including constant presence, love and support. Pet ownership is also linked with a lower long-term risk of early death.
Most of us would do anything for our pets if they become unwell. But just as caring for a human loved one can come at great personal cost, a growing body of research shows that’s also true for many pet owners looking after a seriously ill pet.
This stress is often known as “caregiver burden”.
Most of us would do anything for our pets if they become unwell.
Haletska Olha/Shutterstock
Stress, depression, burnout and anxiety
One 2017 study looked at how people with healthy pets fared compared to those caring for pets with serious diseases.
It found many of those looking after seriously ill animals felt they didn’t have enough time for themselves due to the time they had to spend with their pet.
Compared to owners of healthy pets, those caring for unwell pets experienced:
greater burden, stress and symptoms of depression/anxiety, as well as poorer quality of life.
Caregivers of pets with chronic illnesses can suffer symptoms of depression and anxiety.
larisa Stefanjuk/Shutterstock
Our 2023 research into experiences of people looking after older dogs showed similarly concerning results.
We surveyed people with dogs eight years or older. Some of these dogs were living with canine cognitive dysfunction, a form of dementia similar to Alzheimer’s disease in people.
Out of the 637 respondents to our survey, 16% had a high burden of care likely to be associated with negative psychological, physical and financial outcomes.
One respondent told us:
My partner and I cannot leave him home alone for long at all […] I worry about [my pet’s] quality of life. I feel my partner is really struggling with [my pet’s] deterioration and when the time comes for euthanasia I know it will be me forcing the issue. I feel constant anxiety about this decision looming.
A higher burden of care was associated with the dog having more severe canine cognitive dysfunction, pet owners who were aged between 25 and 44 years, and those who lived alone.
This makes sense, because people who live alone don’t have another person to support or help them. The most difficult dog behaviours people reported were night-time disturbances and barking.
Burden of care in other situations
Any significant pet disease or disability is likely to be associated with stress in their caregivers.
Even behavioural problems in dogs, such as aggression or separation-related disorder, have been associated with clinically significant strain in more than 68% of people.
Most of the research has been done in dogs, but owners of ill cats also have a higher burden, although it appears less than owners of an ill dog.
We previously showed that a third of owners of cats with epilepsy are likely to be experiencing high levels of carer stress or strain.
These problems were worse in owners who did not feel supported by their vet. For example, they may feel they’re being rushed through appointments, or that their concerns are being dismissed.
Pet owners more likely to feel this caregiver stress included those who were younger than 55, and those whose cat had uncontrolled seizures.
Strong emotions and complex needs
The burden of caring for an unwell pet is not well recognised, even by vets.
People suffering this kind of carer stress are likely to require more time in consultations at the vet’s office, visit more frequently, and become angry and emotional.
From a vet’s perspective, clients with such strong emotions and complex needs can be challenging.
People suffering a high burden of care are likely to require more time in consultations at the vet.
Beach Creatives/Shutterstock
How can you get help?
If you or somebody you know is struggling with caring for a seriously ill pet, find a vet you trust and feel comfortable with. If you can tell them what you are struggling with, the vet may be able to provide some support.
Call on your village! Ask friends and family for help to provide you with respite. We often do it when we first bring a new puppy or kitten home, but don’t think it’s OK to ask for help when they’re sick or ageing and need more care.
Know that it’s OK to sometimes feel frustrated, overwhelmed, or even resentful towards your pet. It doesn’t mean you don’t love them. It means providing this level of care is hard.
Being a carer is hard work.
Soloviova Liudmyla/Shutterstock
Despite the hardships, many caregivers find comfort in their deep connection to their pets. One of our respondents in the senior dog study wrote:
every moment I have with her now is a blessing. She has given me so much over the last ten years; it’s time to pay back now.
Pets also give meaning to our lives. In our study of cats with epilepsy, one person wrote:
I think that most of the people are not aware of the benefits of living with the cat with special needs.
Supporting the human-animal bond means supporting both humans and animals. We’re all better off when we recognise and support people struggling with caring for their pets.
If this article has raised issues for you, or if you’re concerned about someone you know, call Lifeline on 13 11 14 or Beyond Blue on 1300 22 4636. Läs mer…
New Zealand’s smokefree law was hailed around the world for creating a smokefree generation that would have lifelong protection from smoking’s harms.
The smokefree generation would have ended sales of tobacco products to anyone born on or after a specific date, thus gradually phasing out smoking. This new approach goes beyond age restriction policies (such as R18 or R21), which may imply smoking is “safe” once people reach the designated age.
However, the coalition government moved swiftly to repeal the smokefree generation measure. That decision did not reflect attitudes towards the policy from young people and the general public.
In an earlier in-depth study, we found young people strongly supported measures restricting their access to tobacco because they understood this policy would protect them from becoming addicted to smoking. Surveys also showed strong support for the smokefree generation policy from young people, the general public and people who smoke.
NZ falls further behind international best practice
As New Zealand went backwards, other jurisdictions, including the UK and several US towns, have proposed or taken more progressive approaches. Recent policies include vapes and other nicotine products, alongside smoked tobacco, and aim to create a nicotine-free generation.
This approach recognises young people’s right to lead lives free from nicotine addiction and aims to address the growing threat addiction to vaping poses to their wellbeing.
Because many more young people in New Zealand vape than smoke, we were interested in how they viewed a nicotine-free generation policy.
On the one hand, they might support an approach that reduces the shame, stress and stigma nicotine addiction causes. On the other, they might accept arguments tobacco companies have made, claiming birth-year measures remove young people’s freedoms.
Easy access to vaping products makes quitting difficult.
Shutterstock/hurricanehank
What young people who vape think
We talked in-depth with 20 young people who assessed themselves as addicted to vaping. We asked them to imagine a nicotine-free generation policy was in place and applied to them, before probing how they interpreted and rationalised this approach.
Our participants thought a nicotine-free generation policy would bring several wide-ranging benefits. They outlined personal benefits, such as increased fitness, better overall health and fewer financial concerns.
Participants also envisaged societal benefits, including reduced pollution (from littered disposable vapes), fewer disputes among young people (less fighting over vapes) and a less pressured health system.
Nearly all participants wanted to quit vaping. Several had tried to stop but relapsed. Easy access to vaping products and vaping’s ubiquity made many feel that quitting was impossible.
Some felt targeted by marketers and unable to resist the pro-vaping environment that surrounded them. One person said vape shops were designed to attract younger people.
There’s vape stores everywhere. It’s insane […] they’re always bright[ly] colour[ed] so you can see them.
These feelings of powerlessness led several to view government regulation as the only way to protect young people from vaping. Rather than wanting to assert “choices” and “freedoms”, many of the people who talked with us felt they would be better off if this option simply did not exist.
One participant explained:
Although it is a choice […] it’s never going to be a positive choice. I wouldn’t mind it being taken away because I know it would be for my benefit […] it wouldn’t be a negative thing.
Participants wanted a better future where younger generations did not face the challenges they had found overwhelming.
The generation below me […] I don’t want them to go through [negative] health effects [and] experience that kind of thing.
Nonetheless, a very small minority argued that young people should find out about risks themselves. One person argued:
It’s people’s lives and they should be able to pick what they do […] Let them find out for themselves.
Participants noted concerns about how a nicotine-free generation policy would be implemented and questioned whether retailers would respect this measure. Some thought parents or older siblings would supply vapes, as some already did. Others expected an illicit market could evolve.
However, participants suggested several solutions they thought could address these challenges, including not normalising vaping, reducing retail outlet numbers and vape product marketing, increasing compliance monitoring and providing better support to help people quit vaping.
Time for political leadership
Our findings suggest it is time to discuss whether Aotearoa New Zealand should return to more progressive smokefree policies that recognise how the rapidly evolving nicotine market has undermined young people’s wellbeing.
The current political emphasis on individual responsibility ignores young people’s calls for policies that remove harmful “choices”. It does not address earlier evidence that suggests governments have a responsibility to protect young people from harms.
Reducing the ubiquity and appeal of vaping products should be an urgent policy priority for 2025.
We acknowledge the excellent work undertaken by Renee Hosking, a summer scholarship student with the ASPIRE Aotearoa Centre. Läs mer…
Google’s search engine handles the vast majority of online searches worldwide. By one estimate, it fields 6.3 million queries every second.
Because of the search engine’s enormous scale, its outputs can have outsized effects. And, while Google’s search results are shaped by ostensibly neutral rules and processes, research has shown these algorithms often produce biased results.
This problem of algorithmic bias is again being highlighted by recent escalating tensions between India and Bangladesh and cases of violence against Bangladeshi citizens in India and violence against Hindus in Bangladesh. A pro-Indian misinformation and disinformation campaign is exploiting this algorithmic bias to further its agenda – an agenda that has been described as Islamophobic and alarmist.
This kind of misinformation has been implicated in several riots and violent incidents in Bangladesh.
All of this serves as an important reminder of the power Google’s search engine has in shaping public perceptions of any event – and its vulnerability to being exploited. It’s also an important reminder to anyone who uses Google’s search engine to engage critically with the results it dishes up, rather than accepting them at face value.
What is algorithmic bias?
The algorithms that power Google’s search engine are trained on massive amounts of data. This data is gathered by computer bots which crawl billions of pages on the Internet and automatically analyse their content and quality. This information is stored in a large database, which Google’s search engine relies on to serve up relevant results whenever it receives a query.
But this process doesn’t capture every website on the Internet. It is also governed by predetermined rules about what is high quality and what is low quality, and reflects existing biases in data. For example, even though only 16% of the world’s population speaks English, it accounts for 55% of all written content online.
This means the reality of life on the ground in non-English speaking countries is often not reflected in Google search results. This is especially true for those countries located in the Global South.
This lack of representation perpetuates real-world biases. It can also hinder a nuanced public understanding of global issues.
Protesters in Bangladesh vandalise the family home of ousted prime minister Sheikh Hasina in Dhaka on February 5.
Mahmud Hossain Opu/AP
What’s happening between Bangladesh and India?
Relations between Muslim-majority Bangladesh and neighbouring India, which is currently led by the Hindu nationalist BJP government, have deteriorated recently.
In August last year, youth-led anti-government protests erupted in Bangladesh.
These protests resulted in the downfall of prime minister Sheikh Hasina’s long-lasting autocratic regime, which had been supported by the Indian government.
An interim government filled the void. But certain Indian media outlets have leveraged sensitive issues such as Hindu minority rights to undermine its legitimacy.
In November, Bangladeshi authorities arrested Hindu leader Chinmoy Krishna Das on sedition charges over allegations he had disrespected the Bangladeshi flag. This triggered violent clashes between his supporters and police. These clashes resulted in the death of a Muslim lawyer.
Hindu activists also attacked a Bangladeshi consulate in India.
There have also been verified instances of mob violence against Hindus in Bangladesh. However, the Bangladeshi government claims these incidents are politically motivated rather than communal attacks.
The unrest intensified earlier this month, with thousands of protestors destroying the family home of deposed prime minister Sheikh Hasina in the Bangladeshi capital, Dhaka.
Boosting a disinformation campaign
A disinformation campaign based in India has exaggerated some cases of religious violence against Hindus in Bangladesh.
This campaign has been boosted by Google’s algorithmic bias.
For example, an analysis by the Tech Global Institute of Google search results about Chinmoy Krishna Das’s arrest between November 25 and December 20 last year found a “consistent pattern of bias”.
Specifically, Indian news outlets – including Hindu ultranationalist news outlets – “disproportionately” dominated the top search results. This overshadowed
factual reporting from credible Bangladeshi media outlets […] despite the search originating from within Bangladesh, the country where the incident originally occurred.
This bias was also evident in search queries coming from overseas. For example, roughly 90% of the top results about Chinmoy Krishna Das were from Indian outlets when searched from Australia and the United States. Bangladeshi news outlets featured on the thirteenth and fourteenth pages of results.
Indian news outlets – unlike their Bangladeshi counterparts – produce a substantial amount of content in English. They also employ more advanced search engine optimisation – or SEO – techniques, such as using effective keywords and sensationalist headlines. This gives them an advantage in Google search results compared to their Bangladeshi counterparts.
Another investigation by Bangladeshi fact-checking outlet Rumor Scanner in December 2024 found 72% of social media accounts spreading fake and misinformation are located in India.
The Conversation asked Google a series of questions about its search engine. It did not receive a response.
A pro-Indian misinformation and disinformation campaign against Bangladesh has been boosted by Google’s algorithmic bias.
Jessica Lee/EPA
An illustrative case of a global problem
Bangladesh is an illustrative case of the global problem of algorithmic bias. It highlights how search engines can be exploited to promote disinformation and misinformation and powerfully shape people’s perceptions about what’s happening in the world.
It also highlights how everybody should think critically about the information they find online about the current situation in Bangladesh. Or about any news event, for that matter.
The case also reinforces the urgent need for policymakers, tech companies and governments to work together to effectively address algorithmic bias. This is especially urgent in the Global South, where marginal voices remain silenced. Läs mer…
The dismantling of the US Agency for International Development (USAID) is a serious blow to the soft power of the United States and disastrous for many poor countries where it helps provide humanitarian, health and educational services.
One country whose citizens will bear the brunt of it is Afghanistan, under the misogynistic and draconian rule of the Taliban.
According to United Nations reports, more than half of Afghanistan’s estimated 40 million population is dependent on international handouts for their survival. Most of the remaining barely earn enough to exist.
USAID has played a critical part in alleviating the suffering of Afhghans since the hasty retreat of the US and its allies from the country and the return of the Taliban to power in mid-2021.
Since then, the United States has been the largest donor of humanitarian assistance to Afghanistan, amounting to US$3.71 billion (A$5.8 billion), channelled through UN agencies and other international organisations. USAID has been responsible for delivering a large proportion of it.
The effects are already being felt. A major midwifery program has closed, while “secret schools” for girls and the American University of Afghanistan has suspended classes.
US aid, along with help from other donors, has also been critical in keeping mass starvation at bay.
Aid propping up the Taliban
Indeed, not all the aid has directly been delivered to the needy. The Taliban have creamed off a portion of it in the process of permitting and supervising its delivery.
As widely reported, the group has indirectly received some US$40 million (A$63 million) a week of donor funds. The United Nations says it’s unavoidable that some money makes its way to Afghanistan’s central bank, which is under the control of the Taliban.
This aid money, together with US$7 billion (A$11 billion) worth of light and heavy arms left behind by the US and its allies, has been crucial in enabling the Taliban to enforce its extremist rule, despite lacking domestic and international legitimacy.
US President Donald Trump’s objection to the flow of any American aid to the Taliban is well placed. He has criticised the Biden administration for its chaotic withdrawal from Afghanistan and failure to curtail the indirect benefits of American aid to the group.
He has called for an end to American money going to the Taliban and for the return of US military equipment from the group. He has even floated the idea of retaking the strategically important Bagram air base outside Kabul, which he claims is now under Chinese influence.
An Afghan army soldier walks past US military vehicles left after the American withdrawal of Bagram air base.
Rahmat Gul/AP
Further, National Security Advisor Michael Waltz and Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth, who both served in Afghanistan, have vowed to continue to fight terrorism around the world. Waltz believes terrorist groups are regrouping in Afghanistan under the Taliban and the Pentagon may need to send US troops back there.
A halt to any aid that can advantage the Taliban is absolutely imperative. Countering the group is vital to combating violent extremism and terrorism.
Afghans still desperately need aid
However, this effort needs to be managed in ways that do not deprive the needy people of Afghanistan.
Afghanistan’s economy, industries, reconstruction projects and work opportunities have virtually collapsed, while many schools have been closed or transformed into religious institutions.
The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) estimates that in the last three years, Afghanistan’s economy has contracted by 27%, with staggeringly high unemployment and inflation.
Living conditions are so bad that some families are selling their children in order to feed the rest of the family.
Two Afghan children stand amid piles of garbage next to their home in Kabul.
Ebrahim Noroozi/AP
No section of the society is in more desperate need than girls and women, who have been stripped of all their basic rights to education, work and public life. They are not even allowed to speak in public or pray outside the four walls of their homes. As put by actor Meryl Streep, a cat has more freedom than women in Afghanistan.
This has caused a mental health crisis among women in Afghanistan, with rising numbers of suicides.
What can be done?
The disembowelling of USAID will have far-reaching consequences for the people of Afghanistan.
If the Trump administration wants to achieve its anti-Taliban objectives, it needs a two-pronged policy approach:
identify new ways to continue humanitarian assistance to the people of Afghanistan in ways that don’t benefit the Taliban
increase pressure on the Taliban by strictly enforcing international sanctions and maintaining its isolation on the international stage.
The suspension of American aid has already resulted in a devaluation of the Afghani currency. This has prompted the Taliban to impose severe restrictions on the transfer of dollars out of the country.
Some analysts predict that if the economy continues to worsen, it will impact the Taliban’s ability to govern.
In turn, this could strengthen civil and armed opposition groups – including the women’s Purple Saturday movement, which stands for a free and legitimately governed Afghanistan. These groups have increasingly become active in different parts of the country. Läs mer…
On Donald Trump’s return to the White House, he issued an executive order banning a US “digital dollar”. A compelling new book, framed as a wake-up call to Western policy-makers, reveals the global significance of this move.
It warns the West’s slow embrace of digital currency frameworks could erode its long-term financial influence – and diminish its ability to shape global monetary rules.
Smart Money positions central bank digital currencies (or, CBDCs) as the latest battleground in a new Cold War. CBDCs are digital money issued by a central bank, backed (just like cash) by the government of the nation issuing it. While the US dollar, the United Kingdom’s pound and the euro currently have no digital equivalent, China has made rapid advancements in its digital yuan (e-CNY).
Review: Smart Money: How Digital Currencies will Win the New Cold War – and Why the West Needs to Act Now – Brunello Rosa with Casey Larsen (publisher)
Governments regulate their CBDCs in the form of secure digital code. In this way, they differ from (private) cryptocurrencies – which Trump favours instead.
Smart Money’s authors, financial economist Brunello Rosa and strategic communications consultant Casey Larsen, compare the rise of CBDCs to that of the internet 30 years ago.
Until last month’s ban on a US digital dollar, 130 countries, or 98% of the global economy, had been exploring a CBDC to complement cash.
The US faces partisan resistance, with bills like the CBDC Anti-Surveillance State Act seeking to ban digital dollars over privacy fears. Meanwhile, the European Union and UK are prioritising safeguards such as pseudonymous transactions, to balance innovation with civil liberties.
Australia has no current plans to issue its own CBDC. But should it?
Should Australia adopt its own digital dollar? Pictured: Chinese Premier Li Qiang and Anthony Albanese.
Richard Wainwright/AAP
‘A wake-up call’
For Australia, the stakes are particularly high. As a resource-exporting nation with deep trade ties to China, it must navigate the growing divide between US-led financial systems and China’s expanding CBDC networks.
The global monetary order has been anchored by the US dollar since World War II. Rosa and Larsen argue it faces an existential threat from China-led trade networks among Global South nations: including nations like Russia and Nigeria, which are increasingly aligned with China-centred multi-CBDC networks.
They warn if the West remains preoccupied with dystopian fears of digital currencies, it risks ceding global financial leadership to China.
Trump’s executive order may deepen the divide in digital currency adoption between the US and its allies. If China continues to advance CBDC-based trade settlements, Australian exporters could face pressure to adopt Beijing’s financial infrastructure. This would raise concerns about Australia’s economic sovereignty and geopolitical leverage.
The growing influence of China’s financial infrastructure, particularly through CBDC-driven networks, creates complex choices for Australia in balancing economic interests with its strategic ties to the US.
The race for digital money is already underway – and Australia cannot afford to be left behind.
The race for digital money is underway.
Shutterstock
CBDCs are different from cryptocurrencies
Cryptocurrencies like Bitcoin are decentralised, meaning they’re not issued or controlled by a central authority. But CBDCs are state-issued and backed. This ensures their stability and makes them easier to trust.
CBDCs are designed to function alongside or replace physical cash. They are the only digital liability of a central bank, and symbolise a claim on its reserves. This makes them equivalent to cash.
Smart Money focuses on “money as information”. CBDCs can be programmed with certain rules or conditions and integrate smoothly with existing financial systems. More critically, they can be transmitted and processed over the internet, enabling real-time, automated transactions. The pre-programmed payments and transactions these CBDCs allow can meet the specific needs of their issuing governments.
At its core, Smart Money argues CBDCs are not merely financial innovations. They are powerful geopolitical instruments, capable of reshaping global trade, economic sovereignty and the monetary order. Their rise is accelerating de-dollarisation, or the reduced influence of the US dollar in global trade and financing.
Making financial sanctions less effective?
Nations vulnerable to US sanctions, including China, are particularly attracted to these CBDC-based settlement networks – as the US continues to weaponise its dollar.
Just one way is through sanctions that exclude certain countries from the SWIFT system: they’ve been described as “the nuclear option” of financial sanctions.
The SWIFT network is used by banks to send and receive information, such as money transfer instructions – including cross-border payments.
In 2022, several Russian banks (including its central bank) were excluded from SWIFT over the war on Ukraine. From 2012 to 2016, almost all Iranian banks were delisted, over Iran’s nuclear program.
SWIFT exclusion has meant effective isolation from much of the global financial system.
CBDC networks allow nations to bypass traditional financial infrastructure and reduce reliance on the US dollar in cross-border trade.
Several Russian banks were excluded from SWIFT global payment systems over the war on Ukraine in 2022.
Mikhail Klimentyev/AAP
Digital money and the trade war
China’s e-CNY is designed to reshape the global monetary order. China’s dependence on the dollar-based financial system makes it vulnerable to US financial sanctions.
By developing a state-backed digital currency, China seeks to reduce its reliance on Western-controlled financial infrastructure, such as SWIFT – and mitigate risks that could destabilise its trade and economy.
Rosa and Larsen highlight a pivotal moment in the e-CNY’s evolution. On February 4, 2022, during the Beijing Winter Olympics, Chinese president Xi Jinping and Russian president Vladimir Putin declared a “partnership of unlimited friendship”.
Soon after, China’s yuan overtook the US dollar as the most widely used currency for cross-border transactions in Russia. This marked the digital yuan’s first major alignment with an alternative global financial system – and signalled a direct challenge to the Western-led monetary order.
China’s yuan overtook the US dollar for cross-border transactions in Russia after the nations’ leaders met during the Beijing Winter Olympics.
Alexei Nikolsky/Ria Novosti/Kremlin Pool/AAP
“The race for digital money,” the authors note, “is intertwined with the race to exploit natural resources”. China aims to integrate the e-CNY into trade involving strategic resources: particularly energy, food and critical minerals.
By offering an alternative to dollar-based financial systems, China challenges US monetary dominance, while tightening control over trade routes and critical commodities.
A recent report from the Asia Society supports the authors’ arguments. It suggests a potential move from a (petrodollar system – where US dollars are paid to oil-producing countries for their exports – to a digital framework for critical resources dominated by the Chinese yuan. China dominates most of these supply chains, which are essential for advanced technologies and defence.
Digital currency as strategic weapon
Rosa and Larsen argue Beijing aims to become “the chief architect of all trade conducted in state-issued digital currencies”. First, by establishing the necessary physical and digital infrastructure. Then, by setting the technological standards and rules.
Their book examines how Beijing is integrating the digital yuan into the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), a vast network of development and investment initiatives around the world, linking China to other nations through physical and digital infrastructure. This is expanding China’s financial influence over strategic trade routes and markets, such as the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor and the Silk Road Economic Belt in Kazakhstan.
Egypt’s construction of its new administrative and financial capital is being done in a partnership aligned with China s Belt and Road Initiative.
KHALED ELFIQI/AAP
The global shift away from the US dollar (“De-Dollarization 2.0”) has accelerated since 2022. The authors compare its significance to the post-1944 rise of the Bretton Woods system, which used the gold standard to create a fixed currency exchange rate – and to the 1970s establishment of the petrodollar.
How do multi-CBDC platforms provide emerging economies with an alternative to Western-dominated financial systems? They streamline trade and reduce reliance on traditional financial infrastructure and reserve currencies (like the US dollar, euro, and British pound).
As more nations explore digital alternatives, the potential to bypass Western-led regulatory regimes increases.
Pakistani Army patrol on a road as security has been intensified during the visit of Chinese Vice Prime Minister He Lifeng to attend the th anniversary celebrations of the China Pakistan Economic Corridor CPEC in Islamabad Pakistan.
OHAIL SHAHZAD/AAP
Two world economic blocs
This shift is dividing the world into two economic blocs. One is the G7, which consists of the US, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan and the United Kingdom (UK). The other is the Global South: countries in Africa, Latin America, Asia and Oceania that are typically characterised by lower income levels and emerging economies. These nations often face challenges related to development and global inequality.
The G7 is one of the world’s main economic blocs. Here, its leaders gather in Italy, in 2024.
Ciro Fusco/AAP
BRICS – generally considered a significant part of the Global South – originally consisted of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa. In recent years, the bloc has expanded to include countries like Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), and most recently, Indonesia – strengthening its geopolitical and economic influence.
While the G7’s share of global GDP declines, BRICS+ nations are leveraging their demographic, economic and resource power to counterbalance the West.
BRICS is an expanding global body, considered a significant part of the Global South. It gathered in Russia in 2024.
Maxim Shemetov/Pool Photo/AAP
At the same time, Iran and other states aligned to China’s Belt and Road Initiative are deepening their financial ties with China, to reduce dependence on Western-controlled monetary systems.
Rosa and Larsen argue Trump’s protectionist policies – rather than curbing China’s rise – have inadvertently pushed more nations toward economic alignment with Beijing and away from the US dollar.
Is the West losing the smart money race?
In regions with underdeveloped banking infrastructure, like Nigeria (which has the eNaira) and The Bahamas (with its Sand Dollar), CBDCs offer a chance to bypass traditional banking. They provide fast, affordable financial inclusion and international transactions.
On the other hand, Western scepticism of CBDCs is growing. It’s driven by fears of government overreach and the potential misuse of programmable money: for geopolitical control, or transaction restrictions based on location or time.
CBDCs offer a chance to bypass traditional banking in nations with underdeveloped banking infrastructure, like The Bahamas.
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These concerns stem from the two-tiered structure of smart money. CBDCs leverage decentralised technologies, like blockchain, for transactions. But their governance, development and policies remain firmly under state control.
Rosa and Larsen argue this centralised oversight grants governments who use CBDCs unprecedented authority over financial activity, including real-time purchase monitoring, transaction limits and spending restrictions.
China exemplifies this model. Its CBDC infrastructure prioritises programmability and state control.
The digital yuan is integrated into China’s social credit system, reinforcing state oversight through surveillance networks like Skynet. Skynet is a highly sophisticated system that tracks individuals’ actions, assigning social credit scores based on their activities. (Financial behavior, adherence to laws, and even social and moral conduct are included.)
The e-CNY enhances its effectiveness by providing real-time data on financial transactions, making it easier for the government to monitor and evaluate citizens’ financial behaviours.
An urgent warning Australia should heed
Smart Money argues CBDC development is a strategic necessity, not just financial innovation. It’s an urgent warning.
The book’s greatest strength lies in its ability to synthesise complex geopolitical and financial trends into a cohesive narrative. The authors’ parallels between the rise of CBDCs and the internet bolster their argument that “digital currencies are not just upgrades, but foundational shifts in how value and power circulate globally”. It’s convincing.
However, Smart Money’s alarmist tone sometimes overshadows a more nuanced discussion. The authors downplay challenges to China’s ambitions, including global scepticism about the yuan’s convertibility, and the entrenched inertia of dollar-based trade.
Their critique of US complacency sometimes paints non-Western initiatives as monolithic threats, overlooking regional nuances like the independent ambitions of the United Arab Emirates’ in financial technology.
Despite these caveats, the book offers a sharp and insightful examination of the geopolitical and financial stakes of CBDCs.
Even a modest global shift towards digital currencies could erode demand for the US dollar, weakening its borrowing power. This would make Western markets, including Australia, more volatile.
As a resource-driven economy deeply intertwined with China, Australia must urgently reassess its financial and economic strategies in response to these shifting dynamics. Läs mer…
When the National Disability Insurance Scheme (NDIS) was established in 2013, one of its driving aims was to make disability services and support systems fairer.
However, our new research shows significant inequalities remain, with some groups finding it much harder than others to be deemed eligible and access a funding plan.
Recent NDIS reforms in part aim to address inequity, and to manage costs.
So, what can we do to ensure these reforms don’t further embed existing inequalities? Here’s what we found.
Inequalities in scheme access
To receive funding from the NDIS, participants are required to demonstrate their eligibility.
We wanted to explore whether decisions about eligibility were leading to inequalities in who could access and use NDIS funding.
Our study looked at the individual NDIS applications of 485,676 people aged seven or older, made between 2016 and 2022, to see if they were deemed eligible.
We then compared differences in eligibility rates between groups, considering:
age (applicants 55 or older versus those under 55)
gender (women and girls versus other applicants)
socioeconomic disadvantage (those from the poorest 30% of areas versus all other areas).
Who is deemed ineligible?
We found some groups are more likely to be rejected from the scheme than others: women and girls, people aged 55 and over, and those who live in disadvantaged areas.
Within these groups, eligibility rates also vary.
For example, people with intellectual disability, autism, and brain injury or stroke were very likely to be deemed eligible, regardless of their age, gender or socioeconomic disadvantage (900 or more were accepted per 1,000 applicants).
However, people with physical disability and psychosocial disability (disabilities that can arise from a mental health issue, such as bipolar disorder or schizophrenia) were significantly more likely to be rejected.
This was true across groups, but particularly evident among women and girls.
We compared eligibility rates within every 1,000 applications made by women and girls versus men and boys.
Among those who had physical disability, 145 more women and girls were rejected, compared to men and boys.
Among those with psychosocial disability, 83 more applications were deemed ineligible for every 1,000 applications made by women, compared to men.
Age was also a factor. Older Australians with a physical disability had 235 fewer approvals per 1,000 applications than those with physical disability under 55.
Older Australians were more likely to be found ineligible.
Christina RasoBoluda/Shutterstock
What about once they’re eligible?
Inequalities are more pronounced among those trying to prove eligibility for the scheme.
Once accepted into the NDIS, our research found women and girls, and people living in poorer areas, received similar amounts of funding as men and boys, and those living in better-off areas.
This budget is based on what the participant wants to achieve in everyday life and their support needs relating to their disabilities.
However once people receive and are using plans, we then see some differences in how much these people are able to spend. This relates to factors such as the availability of services in an area or whether culturally safe supports are available.
We found that women with psychosocial disability spent more than men with similar sized budgets.
This result could reflect that women with psychosocial disability on the NDIS have higher support needs than men.
It could be that it is harder for women to get onto the scheme in the first place, so those who are deemed eligible have more significant disability than men.
But we need more research to unpack this further.
Why do we see these inequalities?
In the early days of the NDIS, to help fast-track applications, the National Disability Insurance Agency (which runs the NDIS) specified a list of diagnoses closely related to disability.
Known as list A conditions, people with these diagnoses are automatically eligible for the NDIS.
Disabilities likely to be associated with a list A diagnosis include level 2 or 3 autism (requiring substantial or very substantial support) and intellectual disability.
However some people who could have permanent and significant disability, may have a diagnosis not on list A, such as Down syndrome and motor neurone disease. They must provide a broader range of evidence on the impact of their disability to be eligible.
If they face other challenges – such as socioeconomic disadvantage – it may be harder for them to collect this evidence. For example, they may not be able to afford private health care that would help support their application.
This might explain why people who do not have a list A diagnosis are less likely to prove their eligibility for the scheme.
Where next for the scheme?
Following recommendations from an independent review into the NDIS, the National Disability Insurance Agency is currently making changes to how it assesses eligibility.
One of the changes suggested is removing list A classifications altogether.
Instead, the agency will use a suite of functional assessment tools. These are still in the process of being designed, but they are one way to assess a person’s ability to perform everyday tasks and identify the level of support they require.
This approach aims to assess more objectively and fairly how much someone is impacted by their disability.
However, there are longstanding critiques of these tools. These include concerns they are not safe for minority groups, such as those with a culturally or linguistically diverse background, LGBTQIA+ people, and First Nations applicants.
Our new research demonstrates how and why some inequalities arise. We should put this understanding front-and-centre in any changes to the NDIS.
Most importantly, we should make sure reforms are co-designed with a broad range of different groups, to ensure we don’t perpetuate old inequalities or introduce new ones. Läs mer…
In his 2019 State of the Nation address, South Africa’s President Cyril Ramaphosa announced that he was creating a commission on the fourth industrial revolution (4IR).
The term refers to the integration of advanced digital technologies like AI and robotics, as well as automation, into various economic and social domains. The first (1760s to early 1800s), second (1870s to early 1900s) and third (1950s to late 20th century) industrial revolutions were mechanical and electronic in nature. The 4IR is characterised by the fusion of physical, digital and biological systems. It is fundamentally reshaping industries, work and societies.
Ramaphosa acknowledged at the time that the 4IR “may lead to job losses”. However, he added, it would also “create many new opportunities”:
Through this transformation, we can build the South Africa we want, ensuring inclusive and shared growth for all.
Six years on, the commission’s work has yielded some results. It’s led to the establishment of the National Artificial Intelligence Institute and the creation of AI hubs in key sectors like healthcare and mining.
But how do ordinary South Africans view the 4IR? Globally, research has shown that there’s a stark divide in how people view the promises and perils of modern technological advancements. The wealthy, armed with access to education and resources, see opportunity. Marginalised groups, particularly those in lower-income brackets, are left fearing job losses and economic exclusion. Historical and cultural anxieties around technology also play a role in people’s perceptions.
I’m a researcher whose work explores, among other things, the intersection of technology, policy and governance. I am especially interested in the 4IR in a South African context and recently co-authored a study with development studies scholar Oliver Mtapuri to examine the role of social class on people’s views of technological change.
We found that wealthier South Africans, particularly those in urban areas, were more optimistic about automation, artificial intelligence and other emerging 4IR technologies than those in lower-income and rural communities. Racial disparities were evident, too. White South Africans were 2.5 times more likely to report feeling comfortable with technological change than Black South Africans.
These findings can help policymakers understand how best to push for a 4IR in South Africa that doesn’t deepen existing inequalities. This will require inclusive digital policies and expanded access to technology and training. Here South Africa could learn from countries like Germany and Finland.
Germany is working nationwide to equip workers with the skills needed for an increasingly digital economy. Finland, meanwhile, has focused on active labour market policies. It combines digital training programmes with progressive social welfare measures to support workers transitioning between industries. Both countries have also expanded social protections by extending unemployment benefits and offering financial support for retraining. They’ve also ensured that gig and platform workers have access to social security.
Marginalised groups left behind
Our data was drawn from the South African Social Attitudes Survey. It’s a nationally representative survey of 2,736 adults (16 and older). We conducted a secondary analysis of the data. The focus was on questions in the survey about technological change, fears of job displacement and access to digital tools. This, alongside an analysis of demographic data in the survey, allowed us to examine class, race and geographic disparities in perceptions of automation, AI and digital transformation.
Read more:
South Africans are upbeat about new technologies, but worried about jobs
Some of the key findings were:
56% of South Africans believed that 4IR technologies would lead to job losses rather than job creation. Lower-income groups expressed the highest levels of concern.
Unemployment was a key determinant of 4IR scepticism: 63% of unemployed respondents felt threatened by automation, compared to 41% of those currently employed.
Only 29% of respondents from rural areas reported having regular access to the internet. The figure was 74% among urban respondents.
There are structural and historical barriers to lower-income South Africans’ economic mobility, access to quality education and participation in the digital economy.
Apartheid-era policies entrenched economic disparities. These still show in unequal access to education and infrastructure.
Today, rural areas lack reliable internet connections. (About 31.18% of South Africa’s population live in rural areas.) This makes it nearly impossible for people to benefit from or contribute to the digital economy.
Many industries at the forefront of automation, such as manufacturing and agriculture, are those with the highest number of low-skilled workers. Research by the International Labour Organisation emphasises that vulnerable workers all over the world often lack the skills needed in new job markets. This reinforces workers’ fears that technology will replace them.
Closing the gap: policy solutions
It will take bold, inclusive policies to address these inequalities.
The South African government must do more to increase access to technology. It already subsidises internet costs especially to schools. It has also expanded broadband networks into some under-served areas. And it offers free digital skills programmes. The problem is that these efforts are piecemeal. A more cohesive national strategy is needed.
Read more:
The Fourth Industrial Revolution: a seductive idea requiring critical engagement
Policies must also be developed with those who have been excluded from technological progress. This will allow them to participate fully in the digital economy – and, perhaps, come to understand and trust technology a bit more.
In practice, this could mean expanding initiatives like the National Digital and Future Skills strategy, which aims to equip citizens with the necessary skills to participate in the digital economy. This focuses on developing digital skills across various sectors and communities, ensuring inclusivity and broad participation.
Additionally, policies could support township-based digital innovation hubs such as the Tshimologong Digital Innovation Precinct. It provides training, incubation and resources to entrepreneurs from marginalised communities, enabling them to participate meaningfully in the digital economy.
Industries have a role to play, too. Singapore’s Skills Future initiative provides citizens with resources to adapt to changing job markets. This is a good example of government and industry working together. Closer to home, Rwanda’s Centre for the Fourth Industrial Revolution (C4IR) brings together “government, industry, civil society and academia to co-design, test and refine policy frameworks and governance protocols that maximise the benefits of new technologies”.
The 4IR has the potential to transform South Africa. But this will only happen if its benefits are shared equitably among all citizens. Innovation must be re-imagined not as a tool to consolidate wealth and privilege but as a means of creating a more inclusive society. Läs mer…
The African continent finds itself in a predicament. Advanced economies in the rest of the world developed through industrialisation: their economies transformed from mainly agricultural to industrial. This involved burning fossil fuels like coal, generating greenhouse gas emissions that caused global warming.
African economies have trailed behind industrially. They’re now industrialising at a time when the world is moving away from fossil fuels and towards solar power, wind energy and hydropower.
Africa has 60% of the world’s best solar resources but only 1% of the world’s installed solar power systems. Despite renewable energy capacity nearly doubling in the last decade, only 2% of global investments in renewable energy went to Africa.
Green industrialisation could be the answer: achieving long-term economic growth and industrial development that does not harm the environment. But in most African countries, renewable energy is more expensive than fossil fuels, which are readily available in many parts of the continent. Africa is also one of the world’s poorest regions and cannot easily afford green technologies.
So a key issue in economic development is how to stimulate green industrial productivity. Green finance (funding from banks and investors specifically for environmentally friendly projects) can fund green innovations. These include renewable energy technologies, energy-efficient building designs, or electric vehicles.
Read more:
Africa doesn’t have a choice between economic growth and protecting the environment: how they can go hand in hand
I am an economist who worked with a team of researchers to study the impact of green finance on industrialisation in Africa. We also wanted to find out if green innovation influenced the effect that green finance has on industrialisation. (This was measured in this study as the total industrial value added as a percentage of gross domestic product.)
For example, switching to renewable energy like solar power reduces greenhouse gas emissions, and helps mitigate climate change. But the high costs of renewable energy equipment could harm industrial growth.
The research analysed macroeconomic and energy, green finance and industrialisation statistics from 41 African countries between 2000 and 2020.
Our research found that green finance offers funding opportunities for clean and innovative technologies and creating new jobs in green sectors. However, the potential of green financing to drive industrialisation through green innovation (such as renewable energy projects) is not being realised.
Read more:
How green innovation could be the key to growth for the UK’s rural businesses
This is because renewable energy comes with high costs. There also are not enough skilled people available to run green projects. There’s a lack of proper roads, connectivity or transmission lines to connect renewable energy to the main grid. The basic conditions for industrial growth through renewable energy are not in place.
Governments in Africa should find ways to make green innovation work. This will mean that society can enjoy the benefit of new environmentally friendly projects.
How to make green innovation work
African governments should focus on increasing people’s access to renewable energy projects. For this to happen, they need to put more funding and effort into developing renewable energy infrastructure. Renewable energy technologies must be available and affordable.
Education and capacity building is needed, particularly in rural communities. For example, community-owned solar microgrid projects provide people with the skills needed to manage and look after renewable energy systems.
Governments will need to subsidise local manufacturing of renewable energy components. When these are produced locally, this can help harness the potential of green innovation for industrialisation and also create jobs.
Countries must co-operate regionally on green innovation. This means sharing best practices, pooling resources, and making coordinated efforts towards green industrialisation.
Our research found that it would be useful to set up regional centres of excellence for renewable energy research and development. Regional alliances are also needed, so that countries can work together to negotiate better terms for green finance. This could enhance Africa’s journey towards the kind of green industrialisation that is cost effective and sustainable over time.
What needs to happen next
These steps would boost the impact of green finance on industrialisation in Africa:
more climate finance, including finance from the private sector
environmental taxation – a policy tool to limit activities, goods or services that have negative environmental impacts
reform of multilateral development agencies to make it easier for African countries to access to climate funds
development bank funding tailored to the needs of African countries. Nations that invest in renewable energy manufacturing should get tax breaks and other incentives. Green bonds that only fund renewable energy projects should be issued to attract private investors
vocational training and higher education programmes that focus on training people in green technologies must get government funding.
Africa has a huge problem with trying to build some resilience to the effects of climate change, such as floods and drought. Economic development is also a challenge on the continent. Both could be addressed by green industrialisation. With the right investments in green finance, innovation and infrastructure, the continent can unlock sustainable growth, reduce poverty and help curb climate change. Läs mer…
With the unembarrassed audacity parties show as an election nears, the government has stolen the opposition’s policy to ban foreign investors buying established homes.
Treasurer Jim Chalmers and Housing Minister Clare O’Neil have announced foreigners won’t be able to purchase established homes from April 1 for at least two years, with a review to determine whether the ban should be extended.
When the opposition announced its policy last year, Labor was dismissive, pointing out the numbers were minuscule. But the idea is popular with the public and the government is anxious to neutralise it.
The turnabout comes immediately ahead of the Reserve Bank’s’s two-day meeting starting Monday, with expectations high that on Tuesday the bank may finally start moving rates down.
A rate cut would increase speculation Anthony Albanese will opt for an April rather than a May election. That would mean cancelling the March 25 budget.
With the election fast approaching and polls suggesting a high prospect of a minority government, attention has turned to how crossbenchers would react in the event of a hung parliament.
Much conjecture is around the “teals” who occupy former Liberal seats but are more progressive than the current Liberal party.
Opposition leader Peter Dutton said on Sunday: “It would be unusual that if we were able to achieve 72 [a majority is 76] and we were a number of seats ahead of the Labor Party, that there wouldn’t be a guarantee of supply and confidence from the crossbench.
”But some of them will only ever support the Labor Party. I think if they’re into transparency and honesty, they should be transparent and honest with the public before the election about if you vote for Kate Chaney, are you going to get Anthony Albanese or will she support a Coalition government in a minority situation?”
Chaney, one of the teals, holds the Western Australian seat of Curtin, which the Liberals believe is a chance for them.
In their statement about foreign investors, Chalmers and O’Neil said the government would also “crack down” on foreign land banking.
The ministers admitted these latest initiatives were small but said they were an important part of the government’s broad housing policy,
“Until now, foreign investors have generally been barred from buying existing property except in limited circumstances, such as when they come to live here for work or study,” they said.
Under the new arrangements, “foreign investors (including temporary residents and foreign-owned companies) will no longer be able to purchase an established dwelling in Australia while the ban is in place unless an exception applies.”
On landbanking, the ministers said foreign investors are presently subject to developmental conditions requiring they put vacant land to use within a reasonable time.
“The Government is focused on making sure these rules are complied with and identifying any investors who are acquiring vacant land, not developing it while prices rise and then selling it for a profit.”
The Australian Taxation Office and Treasury will be funded for an audit program and to improve compliance.
Dutton hints at action against insurance companies that ‘rip off’ people
While Labor sought to shore up its credentials on housing, Dutton was venturing further down the interventionist road, hinting a Coalition government might use divestiture against recalcitrant insurance companies.
The Coalition has already courted controversy with its threat supermarkets could face divestiture.
Dutton is now looking more widely, after being concerned about how people in areas recently devastated by fires or floods often haven’t insurance because they can’t afford the increasingly high premiums.
Asked on Sky whether the Coalition would reduce the cost of insurance, Dutton said, “We need to make sure that we’re not being ripped off by insurance companies.
”As we’ve done with the supermarkets, where we have threatened divestment if consumers are being ripped off, similarly, in the insurance market, we will intervene to make sure that consumers get a fair go because at the moment people are paying too much for their insurance and what’s resulting is that people aren’t taking out insurance. […] People just simply can’t afford to insure the car or their home at the moment.”
In a wideranging interview, Dutton cast doubt on whether the opposition would support any extension of government relief on power bills.
“If it’s going to be inflationary and it’s going to keep interest rates higher for longer and it’s going to keep grocery prices higher for longer and it’s going to keep electricity prices higher for longer, then no.”
(The relief the government has already provided put downward pressure on inflation.)
The opposition leader criticised the government for not putting enough effort into its handling of the Trump administration.
“Every minister should have been cycling through Washington. I’m not aware that other ministers have been to Washington since Penny Wong was there for the inauguration,” he said.
“If they have, that’s great. But the prime minister probably should have been on a plane to the US, as we’ve seen with other world leaders and there should have been greater engagement with the president earlier on.”
Dutton apparently forgot the visit made by Deputy Prime Minister Richard Marles, who was the first defence minister to meet new defence secretary Pete Hegseth.
Reminded of the Marles visit, he immediately criticised him. “Richard Marles is a nice guy, but he’s batting fairly significantly down the list in terms of the government’s key hitters.”
Dutton said Trump had to be seen in a different light to other presidents.
“Donald Trump is different to any of his predecessors, certainly in the modern age. If you look at his background, he’s a businessman, he does deals, he brings parties together, he swaps contracts. That’s been his background, and it’s not a background, probably, that’s been shared by too many of his predecessors. So, I don’t think you’re taking everything he says literally.”
Dutton left his options open when asked whether he would replace Kevin Rudd as ambassador to the United States.
“We have to have an ambassador who is in our country’s best interests. Kevin, obviously, is an accomplished person as prime minister of our country and if he’s the best person for the job, then he should stay in the job.
”If it turns out that he’s had no access to the White House and no real influence in relation to this [tariff] issue or whatever the next issue might be, then you would have to reassess his position. But at the moment, we’re being told that he’s effective in his advocacy in the administration. I suppose time will tell.
”My instinct would be to leave him in the job. But […] if there are insurmountable problems that he has, or that the administration has with him, then that would make it very difficult.” Läs mer…